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Journal of Vocational Behavior 126 (2021) 103476

Available online 20 April 2021
0001-8791/© 2020 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Life stage, lifespan, and life course perspectives on vocational
behavior and development: A theoretical framework, review, and
research agenda

Hannes Zacher a, *, Ariane Froidevaux b

a Institute of Psychology – Wilhelm Wundt, Leipzig University, Leipzig, Germany
b Department of Management, University of Texas at Arlington, Arlington, United States

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords:
Aging
Career development
Life stage
Life course
Lifespan

A B S T R A C T

This article for the 50th anniversary issue of the Journal of Vocational Behavior theoretically in-
tegrates, reviews, and critically discusses research that investigates vocational behavior and
development based on life stage, lifespan, and life course perspectives. First, we describe key
tenets of these perspectives and associated theories of vocational behavior and development.
Second, we present a theoretical framework that integrates the lifespan and life course per-
spectives by addressing (a) relationships between age and important work and career outcomes (i.
e., career decisions and success, job search and turnover, work motivation and behavior, atti-
tudes, occupational health and well-being), (b) age-related person and contextual mechanisms of
these relationships, and (c) interactive effects of age with person characteristics, contextual
characteristics, and/or work and career outcomes. Third, based on the theoretical framework, we
summarize cumulative empirical evidence for these age-related associations and effects for the
various work and career outcomes. Moreover, we review conceptual and empirical articles on
aging, life stage, lifespan, and life course development published in the Journal of Vocational
Behavior over the past 50 years. Finally, we conclude with a discussion of theoretical implications
and directions for future research that adopts an integrated lifespan and life course perspective on
vocational behavior and development.

1. Introduction

The notions of aging and career both involve long-term temporal processes and, therefore, it is not surprising that scholars have
frequently adopted life stage and lifespan perspectives to study vocational behavior and development (Fasbender & Deller, 2017;
Nagy, Froidevaux, & Hirschi, 2019). Life stage theories divide lives and careers into several discrete, age-related, and normative stages,
such as “exploration,” “establishment,” and “decline” (e.g., Levinson, 1986; Super, 1953). Over the past three decades, however, these
theories have been largely superseded by vocational theories based more or less explicitly on the lifespan perspective (e.g., De Vos, Van
der Heijden, & Akkermans, 2020; Savickas et al., 2009). The lifespan perspective originates from the field of developmental psy-
chology and conceives individual development (ontogenesis) as a lifelong, continuous, and multidirectional process that is influenced
by the interplay of biological maturation, contextual opportunities and constraints, and action regulation (Baltes, 1987).

* Corresponding author at: Institute of Psychology – Wilhelm Wundt, Leipzig University, Neumarkt 9-19, 04109 Leipzig, Germany.
E-mail address: hannes.zacher@uni-leipzig.de (H. Zacher).

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Journal of Vocational Behavior

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jvb

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2020.103476
Received 11 December 2019; Received in revised form 29 May 2020; Accepted 29 July 2020

Journal of Vocational Behavior 126 (2021) 103476

2

However, despite repeated calls to better integrate research on vocational behavior and development with the lifespan perspective
(e.g., Hansson, DeKoekkoek, Neece, & Patterson, 1997; Savickas, 2001), the literature is limited in three important ways. First,
numerous studies have investigated relationships between age and various work and career outcomes, whereas only few studies have
systematically examined mechanisms and boundary conditions of these relationships (Zacher, 2015). A potential reason for this may
be that research on the role of age for vocational behavior and development is lacking an integrative theoretical framework. Second,
research on vocational behavior and development has largely neglected the broader context in which modern careers unfold, including
institutional structures, organizational policies and practices, and social roles (Tomlinson, Baird, Berg, & Cooper, 2018). The interplay
between these contextual characteristics and agency (i.e., “the human capability to exert influence over one’s actions and environ-
ment;” Hirst, Yeo, Celestine, Lin, & Richardson, 2020, p. 377) is emphasized by the life course perspective, which originated from the
field of sociology (Elder, 1975) and developed in parallel to the lifespan perspective (Mayer, 2003). While the potential importance of
both lifespan and life course perspectives for the study of careers has been acknowledged (Savickas, 2002), these perspectives remain
largely disintegrated, thus preventing transdisciplinary research on vocational behavior and development. Third, existing vocational
theories are often only loosely based on the meta-theoretical lifespan and life course perspectives and, as such, have not integrated
more specific theories and constructs that emerged from these perspectives and are frequently employed in developmental psychology
(e.g., the model of selection, optimization, and compensation; Baltes & Baltes, 1990) and sociology (e.g., the social construction and
sustainment of gender norms; Moen & Sweet, 2004). This is unfortunate, because incorporating these theories and constructs could
help to significantly advance our understanding of age-related differences and changes in experiences, behavior, and outcomes in
contemporary workplaces and careers (Rudolph, 2016; Tomlinson et al., 2018).

To address the limitations, the goals of this article for the 50th anniversary issue of the Journal of Vocational Behavior (JVB) are
threefold. First, we describe the key tenets of the life stage, lifespan, and life course perspectives, as well as vocational theories more or
less explicitly based upon them. We further propose an integrative theoretical framework that incorporates central ideas of the lifespan
and life course perspectives to review and guide research on the role of age and aging in vocational behavior and development (n.b. we
did not integrate the life stage perspective because it was superseded by the lifespan perspective). The framework focuses on age-
related differences or changes in important work and career outcomes, as well as various age-related person (e.g., knowledge,
skills, abilities, motives) and contextual characteristics (e.g., job demands, social roles, organizational policies, labor laws, culture)
that might explain the effects of age and/or interact with age in predicting work and career outcomes. Second, based on our theoretical
framework, we summarize cumulative empirical evidence for age-related associations and effects for various work and career out-
comes (i.e., career decisions and success, job search and turnover, work motivation and behavior, work and career attitudes, occu-
pational health and well-being). In addition, we review all conceptual and empirical articles on age, aging, as well as life stage,
lifespan, and life course development published in JVB over the past five decades. Third, based upon the literature review, we outline
an agenda for future research on age in vocational behavior and development that draws on key aspects of both lifespan and life course
perspectives as well as the integrative theoretical framework.

The theoretical framework, literature review, and future research agenda presented in this article contribute to theory develop-
ment, future research, and practice in several ways. We develop suggestions on how existing vocational theories on career develop-
ment could be enriched by integrating more specific ideas and constructs from lifespan and life course perspectives. Moreover, the
integration of key aspects of the lifespan and life course perspectives within the theoretical framework and the identification of
corresponding gaps in the empirical literature can guide more targeted and comprehensive research efforts to better understand the
interplay of age, person, and contextual characteristics in predicting important work and career outcomes. For counseling and
organizational practitioners interested in supporting individuals at various points in their careers, our literature review provides an
overview of existing cumulative evidence regarding the role of age and aging in vocational behavior and development.

With this article, we build on and extend previous reviews on the role of age and aging, as well as the life stage, lifespan, and life
course perspectives for vocational behavior and development published in JVB and other outlets (for recent examples, see Hertel &
Zacher, 2018; Tomlinson et al., 2018; Truxillo, Cadiz, & Hammer, 2015). Over the 50-year history of JVB, several articles have
highlighted the importance of these perspectives. A review for the 20th anniversary issue of JVB focused on the topic of demographic
changes and vocational behavior, including workers’ mid- and late-career experiences (e.g., transition, age discrimination; London &
Greller, 1991). Another review published one year later also discussed lifespan perspectives on career behavior, noting that researchers
had neglected studying career behavior in mid- and later adulthood (Swanson, 1992). In 1997, a review article focused on research on
successful aging in the workplace (Hansson et al., 1997). The authors covered various age-related topics, including job performance,
occupational well-being, health and safety, careers and retirement, gender, and age discrimination. A review for the 30th anniversary
issue of JVB identified longitudinal research on work adjustment across the lifespan as a major opportunity for future research (Betz,
2001). In the same issue, Vondracek (2001) proposed that vocational psychology, to realize its potential in a changing world of work,
“… must become a science and profession that can speak authoritatively on all substantive questions dealing with the vocational
development of children, adolescents, and adults” (p. 252). Subsequent reviews and editorials in JVB have echoed this sentiment,
highlighting the fundamental importance of the lifespan and life course perspectives to research on work and careers (Savickas, 2002;
Vondracek & Hartung, 2002; Vondracek & Porfeli, 2002). Finally, a review article focused on vocational development (e.g., career
exploration, awareness, expectations, interests, adaptability) during early-to-late childhood and its links with development in later life
(Hartung, Porfeli, & Vondracek, 2005).

H. Zacher and A. Froidevaux

Journal of Vocational Behavior 126 (2021) 103476

3

2. Theoretical background

2.1. Life stage, lifespan, and life course perspectives

The life stage perspective and associated theoretical models have a long tradition in the fields of gerontology and developmental
psychology (Erikson, 1950; Levinson, 1986), and they have had a significant impact on vocational theories developed before the 1990s
(see also Nagy et al., 2019). Life stage models typically divide the human lifespan into several discrete and normative stages with
associated psychosocial tasks that have to be addressed to progress in one’s development. For instance, Erikson (1950) suggested that
adolescence (i.e., 12 to 18 years) is characterized by a psychosocial conflict between identity vs. role confusion, whereas middle age (i.
e., 40 to 65 years) entails a conflict between generativity vs. stagnation.

While many of the themes and constructs of the life stage perspective (e.g., generativity) have not been invalidated, at the end of the
20th century it was superseded by the lifespan perspective, which does not postulate discrete stages and conceives development as
continuous and more flexible. In his seminal articles, Baltes (1987; Baltes, Reese, & Lipsitt, 1980) outlined a set of meta-theoretical
propositions about the nature of lifespan development, which strongly influence contemporary research on work and aging (see
Zacher, Rudolph, & Baltes, 2019): (1) development is a lifelong process and no age period is superior to others; (2) development is
multidirectional within and across domains of functioning; (3) development always involves the joint occurrence of gains and losses;
(4) development is modifiable within persons (i.e., plasticity); (5) development is historically, culturally, and socially embedded; (6)
development depends on the interplay of normative age-graded, normative history-graded, and non-normative influences; and (7)
development should be studied from multiple scientific perspectives. In sum, the lifespan perspective focuses on individual devel-
opment as a process of adaptation to growth, decline, and maintenance in psychological experience and functioning (Baltes, 1997).

Based on the broader lifespan perspective, several specific lifespan theories have been developed that are often used in research on
work and aging (for an in-depth review, see Rudolph, 2016). The model of selection, optimization, and compensation proposes that
individuals adapt to functional losses and proactively influence their development by changing their goals, increasing their in-
vestments into goal pursuit, and using alternative goal-relevant means (Baltes & Baltes, 1990). Similarly, the model of assimilative and
accommodative coping suggests that to age successfully, individuals have to tenaciously pursue and flexibly adjust their goals
(Brandtstädter & Renner, 1990). Lifespan theories have also been developed to understand age-related changes in fluid and crystal-
lized cognitive abilities, personality adjustment and growth (Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 2006; Baltes, Staudinger, & Lin-
denberger, 1999), and the prioritization of positive emotional experiences and meaningful social goals with increasing age
(socioemotional selectivity theory; Carstensen, Isaacowitz, & Charles, 1999; strength and vulnerability integration theory; Charles,
2010). Finally, the motivational theory of lifespan development (similar to its predecessor, the lifespan theory of control; Heckhausen
& Schulz, 1995) suggests that successful aging requires the optimal use of primary control strategies (i.e., proactively changing the
environment) and secondary control strategies (i.e., adapting the self to the environment; Heckhausen, Wrosch, & Schulz, 2010).

The life course perspective developed in parallel to the lifespan perspective primarily in the field of sociology (Elder, 1975; Mayer,
2009; Settersten & Mayer, 1997). Whereas the lifespan perspective, consistent with its origins in psychology, focuses mainly on the
individual, the life course perspective places a stronger emphasis on the broader context in which the development of individuals and

Fig. 1. Person and contextual characteristics relevant to work and careers and normative age-related changes in these characteristics.

H. Zacher and A. Froidevaux

Journal of Vocational Behavior 126 (2021) 103476

4

groups is embedded. According to Mayer (2003), the life course perspective aims to understand three key mechanisms that shape
biographical patterns: (1) Societal subsystems, structures, and institutions (e.g., families, schools, organizations, occupational struc-
ture, labor law, public welfare, historical period) that select groups of individuals into developmental pathways; (2) prior life histories
of individuals and groups (e.g., work experiences, background of poverty, accumulated resources); and (3) social roles (e.g., based on
traditional gender norms) and social groups (e.g., based on socioeconomic status). The life course perspective examines how these
factors lead to differences in role entries, trajectories, and exits over time between men and women, social classes, countries, and
historical periods. It further proposes that, by constructing their lives, individuals reproduce social structures—but they can also
change these structures collectively by creating new institutions (Mayer, 2003).

More specific life course concepts include agency (i.e., individuals’ decisions and actions to shape their development within given
structural opportunities and constraints); “linked lives” and social pathways (i.e., interpersonal relationships and membership in social
groups influence life choices and outcomes); the individual and collective construction of meaning through social identities and shared
values; and multiple layers of context, including demographic, economic, technological, community, and organizational ecologies
(Moen & Sweet, 2004). In sum, the life course perspective suggests that individual and collective development results from the
interplay between social structure and agency, and places a stronger focus on the former than the latter.

Based on the lifespan and life course perspectives and associated research (e.g., Rudolph & Zacher, 2019; Settersten, 2017), Fig. 1

Table 1
Theories of vocational behavior and development based on life stage, lifespan and life course perspectives.

Theory Developmental
perspective(s)

Theoretical background and assumptions Key references

Conception of adult
development

Life stage “The life structure develops through a relatively orderly sequence of
age-linked periods during the adult years” (Levinson, 1986, p. 7).
Nine developmental “structure-building” and “structure-changing”
periods, ranging from the “early adult transition” (17–22 years) to the
“late adult transition” (60–65 years).

Levinson, Darrow, Klein,
Levinson, and McKee (1978);
Levinson (1986)

Life-span, life-space
approach to career
development

Life stage The theory examines career choice and development as (a) movement
over time through developmental stages associated with
developmental tasks (i.e., growth, exploration, establishment,
maintenance, disengagement), (b) arrangement of psychosocial roles
(e.g., student, worker, homemaker), and (c) implementation of the
self-concept in different roles.

Super (1953); Super (1980)

Career development
framework

Life stage The theory focuses on salespersons and assumes that three distinct
career stages (i.e., establishment, advancement, maturity) impact on
performance, satisfaction, and involvement via motivational
characteristics (e.g., expectancies), skills and aptitudes, as well as role
perceptions (e.g., conflict).

Cron (1984)

Boundaryless career Lifespan The theory emphasizes physical and psychological mobility of
individuals as “free agents” independent of traditional organizational
career arrangements, including a focus on external networks, work-
nonwork balance, and subjective career success.

Arthur and Rousseau (1996);
Sullivan and Arthur (2006)

Protean career Lifespan The theory emphasizes the importance of individual proactivity,
values, and self-directedness for career decisions and focuses on
subjective career success and the meta-competencies of identity and
adaptability.

Hall and Moss (1998); Hall
(2004)

Kaleidoscope career Lifespan and life
course

The theory emphasizes the relational nature of women’s career
decisions and suggests that women reject “the concept of a linear
career progression, preferring instead to create non-traditional, self-
crafted careers that suit their objectives, needs and life criteria” (
Mainiero & Sullivan, 2005, p. 109)

Mainiero and Sullivan (2005)

Life design paradigm for
career construction

Lifespan and life
course

The paradigm adopts a life-long, holistic, contextual, and preventive
approach. Consistent with social constructionism, it emphasizes
contextual possibilities, dynamic processes, non-linear progression,
multiple realities/perspectives, and personal patterns.

Savickas et al. (2009)

Sustainable careers Lifespan and life
course

“Sequences of career experiences reflected through a variety of
patterns of continuity over time, thereby crossing several social
spaces, characterized by individual agency, herewith providing
meaning to the individual” (Van der Heijden & De Vos, 2015, p. 7).

Van der Heijden and De Vos
(2015); De Vos et al. (2020)

Frayed careers Life course The theory emphasizes dynamic rhythms in careers, as well as the
gendered, age-specific, and class-related representation and
construction of careers. It criticizes the normative linearity and
upward direction in other career theories.

Sabelis and Schilling (2013)

Flexible careers across the
life course

Life course A multilevel theory of career development that integrates the
institutional environment (e.g., education and training systems,
welfare regimes, worker voice, working time and leave regulations,
retirement systems), organizational dynamics (e.g., flexible work
policies, organizational practices and culture, managerial agency),
and individual career decisions across multiple life course stages and
transitions (e.g., school-to-work, family and care, retirement).

Moen and Sweet (2004);
Tomlinson et al. (2018)

H. Zacher and A. Froidevaux

Journal of Vocational Behavior 126 (2021) 103476

5

illustrates various important person and contextual characteristics and typical (i.e., average or normative) age-related changes in the
characteristics. Importantly, labels such as “early adulthood” and corresponding age ranges are provided in the figure for descriptive
purposes only. While these life stage conventions are still often used in the literature, consistent with the lifespan perspective, it is
preferable to conceptualize and operationalize age as a continuous variable instead of splitting it into arbitrary age categories
(Bohlmann, Rudolph, & Zacher, 2018). The same applies to the common, yet problematic practice of grouping multiple birth years into
“generations” (Rudolph & Zacher, 2017). There are several theoretical (e.g., “fuzzy boundaries,” ecological fallacy), methodological
(e.g., reduced statistical power, confounding with age and period effects), and practical reasons (e.g., age-based discrimination,
generationalism) to avoid such categories (Rudolph, Rauvola, Costanza, & Zacher, 2020). Thus, we use labels such as “younger,”
“middle-aged,” and “older employees” in a relative and descriptive sense only, and we avoid using generational labels in this article.

2.2. Vocational theories based on life stage, lifespan, and life course perspectives

Table 1 presents an overview of the theoretical background and key assumptions of prominent vocational behavior and devel-
opment theories based on the life stage, lifespan, and life course perspectives. First, three early vocational theories based on the life
stage perspective include Levinson’s (1986) conception of adult development, Super’s (1980) life-span, life-space approach to career
development, and Cron’s (1984) career development framework. These frameworks have in common that they propose several
discrete, age-related, and more or less normative life and career stages with associated “developmental tasks” (Havighurst, 1948).

As careers became more flexible in the last two decades of the previous century, two new career theories were developed (see
Table 1). According to boundaryless career theory, individuals experience both physical boundaries (i.e., working for a specific
employer, in a specific field) and psychological boundaries (i.e., specific skills and abilities) that they need to cross to become mobile in
their careers (Arthur & Rousseau, 1996). Protean career theory states that career mobility is driven by individuals’ core values and self-
directedness rather than the organization (Hall & Moss, 1998). Although these two theories were not explicitly based on the lifespan
perspective, they are consistent with it, as they conceive career development as a continuous and modifiable process that is primarily
shaped by the decisions and actions of “career actors” rather than a linear career progression consistent with a life stage approach.

Three more recent vocational theories are consistent with, or even explicitly based on, both lifespan and life course perspectives
(see Table 1). First, while kaleidoscope career theory does not directly draw on these perspectives, it emphasizes both structure (i.e.,
multiple social roles and the relational nature of careers) and agency (i.e., actively rearranging roles and relationships in an attempt to
craft careers) in women’s careers (Mainiero & Sullivan, 2005). Second, Savickas et al.’s (2009) life design paradigm for career con-
struction emphasizes both the life-long nature (e.g., “Each life has become even more of an individual process, still influenced by
environmental factors yet constructed to a large extent by individuals;” p. 244) and the contextual nature of careers (e.g., “All roles and
environments relevant to the person should become part of the intervention that constructs career stories and builds lives;” p. 244).
Third, sustainable careers theory (Van der Heijden & De Vos, 2015) is explicitly based on the lifespan perspective. In particular, De Vos
et al. (2020) highlight the relevance of the selection, optimization, and compensation model as well as socioemotional selectivity
theory, because they “help us to understand the sustainability of careers especially from the perspective of changes that occur during
the life-span based on evolving motivations and attitudes” (p. 7). In addition, consistent with the life course perspective, their model of
sustainable careers includes both person (i.e., agency, proactivity, adaptability, meaning) and context factors (i.e., work group, or-
ganization, occupational sector, institutional context, nation, private life; De Vos et al., 2020).

Finally, two vocational theories are explicitly based on the life course perspective (see Table 1). First, similar to the boundaryless
and the protean career concepts, frayed careers theory criticizes the normative linearity and upward direction of earlier career theories
(Sabelis & Schilling, 2013). However, rather than emphasizing individual agency, proactivity, values, and self-directedness, frayed
careers theory focuses on the importance of the context, including social roles (e.g., gender, age, socioeconomic class), relationships,
and rhythmic patterns (i.e., “the reiteration of similarities over time;” Sabelis & Schilling, 2013, p. 131) in the representation and
construction of careers. Second, the theory of flexible careers across the life course adopts a multilevel approach to careers, including
the broader institutional environment, organizational policies and practices, as well as individual career decisions across various life
course transitions (e.g., school-to-work; work-to-retirement; Moen & Sweet, 2004; Tomlinson et al., 2018).

2.3. Integrative theoretical framework

Based on our review of the life stage, lifespan, and life course perspectives, associated vocational theories (Table 1), as well as age-
related person and contextual changes (Fig. 1), we derived a theoretical framework to integrate research on the role of age for
vocational behavior and development (see Fig. 2). In short, this framework suggests that age is related to work and career outcomes
(path labeled with “(a)”) through person and contextual characteristics (paths “(b1)”). Work and career outcomes can also, in turn,
affect person and contextual characteristics (paths “(b2)”). Finally, the framework proposes several moderation effects (paths “(c1-
c3)”).

Consistent with the lifespan perspective, which superseded the life stage approach, the framework focuses on age as a continuous
variable (Bohlmann et al., 2018; Schwall, 2012). We broadly classify important work and career outcomes into five categories: career
decisions and success (e.g., job changes, salary), job search and turnover, work motivation and behavior (e.g., job performance), work
and career attitudes (e.g., satisfaction), as well as occupational health and well-being (e.g., vigor, emotional exhaustion; see Zacher,
2015). In Fig. 2, simple bivariate associations between age and these outcomes are labeled with “(a).” These associations reflect age-
related differences or changes in work and career outcomes across the lifespan or life course.

The framework further suggests that age is associated with both person and contextual characteristics (Fig. 1) which, in turn, may

H. Zacher and A. Froidevaux

Journal of Vocational Behavior 126 (2021) 103476

6

jointly impact work and career outcomes (paths labeled with “(b1)” in Fig. 2). Consistent with the lifespan perspective, individuals may
experience growth, decline, and stability in different person characteristics with increasing age. For example, as people get older, they
tend to become more conscientious (Roberts, Walton, & Viechtbauer, 2006), which should have positive effects on job performance
and organizational commitment. Moreover, both lifespan and life course perspectives suggest that, as people age, they select them-
selves into and are selected into different developmental contexts (see also Ford & Lerner, 1992; Lerner & Busch-Rossnagel, 1981). For
instance, older employees are more likely than younger employees to face age discrimination on the job (Posthuma & Campion, 2009),
which could have detrimental consequences for their work motivation and well-being.

The interplay between age-related person and contextual characteristics could lead to strengthened or compensatory effect

Sociology homework help

© The Author 2013. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. All rights reserved. For permissions,
please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com.

Social Forces 91(4) 1363–1397, June 2013
doi: 10.1093/sf/sot049

Advance Access publication on 3 May 2013

We are indebted to Jeff Dixon, Gilbert Gee, Fang Gong, Carolyn Kapinus, Josh Klugman, Hiroshi
Ono, Lisa Pellerin, Brian Powell, Quincy Stewart, David Takeuchi, and Wenquan Zhang for provid-
ing useful comments.
An early version of this paper was presented at the 2009 American Sociological Association Annual
Meeting in San Francisco and won the most creative methodology award at the Diversity Research
Symposium hosted by Ball State University.
This work was partly supported by the Fisher Research Fellowship and an ad hoc grant awarded by
Ball State University to the first author; all rights reserved and the usual disclaimers apply.

Asian Americans, Race Relations, Triangulation

The Marginalized “Model” Minority: An Empirical
Examination of the Racial Triangulation
of Asian Americans

Jun Xu, Ball State University
Jennifer C. Lee, Indiana University

In this article, we propose a shift in race research from a one-dimensional hierarchi-cal approach to a multidimensional system of racial stratification. Building upon Claire Kim’s (1999) racial triangulation theory, we examine how the American public
rates Asians relative to blacks and whites along two dimensions of racial stratifica-
tion: racial valorization and civic acceptance/ostracism. Using selected years from the
General Social Survey, our analyses provide support for the multidimensional racial
triangulation perspective as opposed to a singular hierarchical approach, although
findings do not match all predictions by the racial triangulation thesis. Our results also
suggest that on average whites are more likely than blacks to have more favorable
views of the relative positions of Asians, particularly for family commitment, nonvio-
lence and wealth, but blacks are more likely to assume racially egalitarian views than
do whites.

Introduction
Asian Americans comprise one of the fastest-growing groups in the United States
(Xie and Goyette 2004; Humes, Jones and Ramirez 2011). Census data show
that the Asian1 population in the United States increased by 48 percent between
1990 and 2000 (from 6,908,638 to 10,242,998) and by 43 percent between
2000 and 2010 (14,674,252 in 2010), and it is projected to reach 41 million by
2050 (Passel and Cohn 2008). Beyond numerical growth, Asian American rep-
resentation in such domains as education, politics and the media has increased

Asian Americans, Race Relations, Triangulation 1363

dramatically. Given major social and demographic changes in both Asian and
Hispanic populations, scholars have begun to move beyond the black-white
binary discourse that is dominant in theories of racial stratification (C. Kim
1999; Forman, Goar and Lewis 2002; Gold 2004).

Some research speculates about which side of the “color line” Asian Americans
fall (i.e., closer to blacks or whites); other research emphasizes the distinct racial-
ized experiences of Asians and other racial/ethnic minorities (Omi and Winant
1994). However, C. Kim (1999) argues that neither perspective is quite adequate.
She suggests that Asians do not fall on one side of a color line or another (nor
do they fall somewhere in between blacks and whites); at the same time, the
racialization of Asian Americans is not insulated from the experiences of, and
interactions between, multiple racial groups. Instead, C. Kim’s racial triangula-
tion theory proposes that Asian Americans are “triangulated” within a “field” of
race relations based on their position relative to blacks and whites on two differ-
ent dimensions (racial valorization and civic ostracism). This results in a racial
position distinct from other groups. Specifically, the American public simultane-
ously lauds Asians as the “model minority” and marginalizes them as “outsid-
ers.” This contradictory racial complex is largely attributable to the relatively
high socioeconomic status that Asian Americans have seemingly achieved and the
“perpetual foreigner” image that still haunts them.

Although some scholars have advocated for the use of multidimensional theo-
ries of race relations like C. Kim’s racial triangulation perspective (e.g., Gold
2004; Song 2004; Ng, Lee and Pak 2007; N. Kim 2009), there has been rela-
tively little research devoted to a systematic assessment of its applicability to
racial attitudes toward Asian Americans. In this article we assess the racial tri-
angulation thesis by using data from the General Social Survey (GSS) to examine
attitudes toward Asians in relation to blacks and whites along two different
dimensions. We also extend the racial triangulation approach by examining
black-white differences in the perceptions of the relative positions of Asians. In
doing so, we aim to advance race research by moving from a one-dimensional
color-line approach to a multidimensional field of race relations.

Background
Theories of Racial Stratification
Theories of racial stratification have traditionally utilized a black-white orienta-
tion, which sees the racialization of other racial/ethnic minorities as following
a process similar to that of blacks, or views the black-white dichotomy as being
the most important (Okihiro 1994; Wu 2003). Doing so, however, has received
much criticism because it renders the experiences of and racism against other
racial minorities irrelevant (Okihiro 1994; Perea 1998; Gold 2004; Song 2004;
Kao 2006).

With the increase in the Asian American and Hispanic populations, there has
been a major call to move “beyond black and white.” Scholars have begun to
examine where racial groups fall relative to one another on a racial hierarchy,

1364 Social Forces 91(4)

with blacks at the bottom and whites on the top (Okihiro 1994; Lee and Bean
2010). This approach has led to the debate over whether a color line exists, and
whether it reveals a white/nonwhite divide or a black/nonblack divide. Some
propose the existence of a white/nonwhite divide, suggesting that the boundar-
ies between whites and nonwhites as more important than differences among
nonwhite groups (Skrentny 2001; Hollinger 2005). From this perspective, Asian
Americans are more closely aligned with blacks. Others suggest the emergence
of a black/nonblack divide, indicated by the continuing separation from blacks
not only on the part of whites but also of other nonwhite racial groups (Lopez
1996), and the higher rates of intermarriage with whites among Asians and
Hispanics (Yancey 2003; Qian and Lichter 2007; Lee and Bean 2010).

Critics of the white/nonwhite perspective argue that this approach fails to
differentiate experiences among nonwhites (N. Kim 2007). The same can be
argued about the black/nonblack approach, which does not distinguish between
the experiences of whites and other nonblacks. To move beyond a biracial para-
digm, Bonilla-Silva (2004, 2010) advances a triracial stratification system, in
which there are three loosely organized strata, including “whites” (whites and
assimilated white Hispanics), “honorary whites” (East Asian groups and light-
skinned Hispanics) and “collective blacks” (blacks, dark-skinned Hispanics,
and disadvantaged Southeast Asian groups). From this viewpoint, most Asian
Americans tend to fall in between whites and blacks.

Although the color line(s) research has contributed to a better understanding
of racial stratification, it is argued that this hierarchical approach does not ade-
quately illustrate the racialization of Asian Americans (C. Kim 1999; Alcoff 2003;
Gold 2004; Song 2004). The color line(s) approach inherently assumes that racial
stratification occurs along a single dimension of “superiority” and “inferiority,”
thus homogenizing the racialization processes among all racial/ ethnic minorities
(C. Kim 2004). Another approach is Omi and Winant’s (1994:1) racial forma-
tion theory, which sees the experiences of Native Americans, blacks, Mexicans
and Asians in the United States as following distinct trajectories, characterized by
“genocide, slavery, colonization, and exclusion,” respectively. These experiences
largely dominate American race relations. The idea of distinct racial trajectories is
valuable because it underscores various types of race relations based on unique his-
torical experiences, and it emancipates the discussions of the racialization of Asian
Americans from a traditional black/white framework. However, while racialization
is dependent upon the historical context under which it occurs, C. Kim argues that
groups are not racialized in vacuum without reference to one another.

The Racial Triangulation of Asian Americans
To address these limitations, C. Kim (1999) proposes a theory of racial trian-
gulation, which combines essentials from racial formation theory and the racial
hierarchy/color line(s) approach. Racial triangulation theory argues that Asians
occupy different group positions relative to blacks and whites along multiple
dimensions, which results in a unique racialized experience of Asian Americans.
Specifically, Asian Americans have been “triangulated vis-à-vis whites and blacks

Asian Americans, Race Relations, Triangulation 1365

in a ‘field of racial positions’” (C. Kim 1999:106). This field is comprised of two
dimensions: the “superior/inferior” axis refers to the process of racial valoriza-
tion, by which groups are ranked hierarchically based on cultural and/or racial
grounds; the “insider/foreigner” axis refers to the process of civic ostracism or
to what extent a group is considered to be unassimilable as opposed to being
considered “insiders” (see Figure 1) .

Making a useful departure from previous theoretical orientations, racial tri-
angulation theory suggests that racial stratification is multidimensional and that
a racial group can be rated high on one dimension and low another. Because of
ingrained racial stereotypes, average Americans evaluate Asians as “inferior”
to whites and “superior” to blacks on certain racial or cultural grounds such
as work ethic or family commitment, but they also rate Asians relatively low in
terms of civic acceptance. This can be seen with the persistence of the “model
minority” and “perpetual foreigner” images, both of which set Asian Americans
apart from other Americans (Min 1996; Tuan 1998; C. Kim 1999; Zhou 2004;
N. Kim 2007). It is this process of simultaneous valorization and civic ostracism
of Asians, along with the racial subordination of blacks, that maintains systems
of white privilege (C. Kim 1999).

Figure 1. The Field of Racial Positions in Racial Triangulation (reproduced from C. Kim 1999:108)

SUPERIOR

INFERIOR

FOREIGNER INSIDER

Whites

Asian Americans

Blacks

= Civic Ostracism

= Relative Valorization

Source: Claire Kim, Politics & Society 27(1):105-38, copyright 1999 by Sage Publications;
reprinted by permission of Sage Publications.

1366 Social Forces 91(4)

Asian Americans as the Model Minority and Perpetual Foreigner
Asian Americans have long been portrayed as the model minority since William
Petersen’s 1966 New York Times Magazine article, “Success Story: Japanese
American Style,” and a myriad of subsequent studies of Asian socioeconomic
attainment that crystallize this image (e.g., Waters and Eschbach 1995; Xie and
Goyette 2004; Zeng and Xie 2004). Recent research, however, has been critical of
such “acclaims” of Asian Americans as the model minority, contending that the
socioeconomic success of Asian Americans has been exaggerated. For “substan-
tive” measures of success, including median individual income (DeNavas-Walt,
Proctor, and Mills 2004; N. Kim 2007), wage returns to education (Hirschman
and Wong 1984; Xie and Goyette 2004; Zeng and Xie 2004) and representa-
tion at the managerial level (Hirschman and Wong 1984; Woo 2000), Asians
actually fare worse than whites. The model minority image also conceals the
fact that the poverty rate among Asian Americans (12.3%) is higher than that
of whites (Sakamoto, Goyette, and Kim 2009). Additionally, the success stories
of selected Asian groups are often not a result of individual efforts rewarded by
a fair system, but rather a “success” of the American immigration policies that
have targeted highly skilled professionals since the 1960s (Mallick 2010).

The model minority image also obscures the racial subordination of Asian
Americans (C. Kim 1999; N. Kim 2007). Despite the group’s perceived socio-
economic success, the typical Asian is also often viewed as an outsider or a
perpetual foreigner (Okihiro 1994; Ancheta 1998; C. Kim 1999; N. Kim 2007)
who “clings to the culture of his own group” (Siu 1952:34). Studies in history
(Okihiro 1994), sociology (Danico and Ng 2004; Tuan 1998) and psychology
(Devos and Banaji 2005; Devos and Heng 2009) have provided strong evidence
that almost all segments of the Asian American population, including first and
later generations, youth and elderly, English and native-language only speakers
and across most ethnic groups, suffer from this stereotypical image.

Although research in Asian American studies has effectively juxtaposed such
contradictory images of Asian Americans as “model minorities” and “perpetual
foreigners,” and social psychologists have also constructed a similar two-dimen-
sional stereotype content model (Fiske, Xu and Cuddy 1999; Lin et al. 2005),
the racial triangulation perspective for the first time provides a dynamic (i.e., rel-
ative racial positioning) and systemic (i.e., a field of racial positions on multiple
dimensions) theoretical framework to essentialize the racialized experiences of
Asian Americans and race relations in the United States more generally.2 Despite
the important implications of racial triangulation theory for research on race
and ethnicity, there has been little quantitative examination of its specifications,
especially regarding perceptions of the relative positions of Asian Americans
along multiple dimensions.

Racial Differences in Attitudes Toward Asian Americans
Although racial triangulation theory provides an innovative approach to study-
ing attitudes about Asian Americans, it does not explicitly address potential vari-
ations in perceptions of Asian Americans. An important social cleavage in public

Asian Americans, Race Relations, Triangulation 1367

opinion is the black-white divide (Bobo 1998; Hunt 2007), which reflects more
than just differences between individuals in each group, but groups’ structural
locations (Blumer 1958). We would therefore expect to see differences between
blacks and whites in their attitudes toward Asians. The lack of discussion about
such variation in racial triangulation theory is problematic because although the
black-white binary is not powerful enough to fully delineate the mosaic of color
lines, race discourse is largely dependent upon black-white dynamics.

In this study, we extend the racial triangulation theory by examining differ-
ences between blacks and whites in their relative ratings of Asian Americans.
Little research has examined the relations among Asians, blacks and whites
(Jackson, Gerber, and Cain 1994), but we suggest three possibilities for race dif-
ferences in attitudes toward Asian Americans. One possibility is that blacks, on
average, view Asians more negatively than do whites. The model minority image
of Asians has been used to discount the disadvantages that the African American
community faces and to disregard their call for racial equality (Lee 1996; Zhou
2004). Blacks may respond to this with unfavorable views of Asians. Moreover,
scholarship on race has suggested that economic competition, cultural and reli-
gious differences, and the belief that Asians hold racial prejudices against blacks
could contribute to a high level of hostility toward Asians (Shankman 1978;
Cummings and Lambert 1997; Bonilla-Silva 2010). Because Asians were once
used as labor replacement for African slaves and still serve as the middleman
between blacks and whites (Bonacich 1973; Okihiro 1994), blacks may bear
negative feelings toward Asians, particularly in areas where blacks have been
denigrated and unfairly assessed historically.

A second possibility is that blacks view Asians more as allies than competi-
tors. They may empathize with Asian Americans’ experiences since both have
experienced racial discrimination and subjugation (Lee and Bean 2010; Tang
2011). African Americans have allied with Asian Americans to fight against
racial discrimination in the era of Asian Exclusion, the school desegregation
protest in California in the early 1900s, the labor union movement in the 1920s
and the Civil Rights Movement in the late 1960s (Okihiro 1994). Jackson,
Gerber, and Cain’s (1944) finding that blacks in Los Angeles hold favorable
attitudes towards Asian Americans despite increasing economic and residential
competition is suggestive of this possibility. Therefore, we might find that blacks
have more favorable ratings of Asians than do whites, especially regarding civic
acceptance.

A third possibility is that blacks’ attitudes toward Asians are similar to those
of whites (Cummings and Lambert 1997). First, the perpetual foreigner and
model minority myths are so pervasive that they influence general views of
Asians, regardless of race/ethnicity. Media portrayal of Asians is either so ste-
reotypical, or too vague to be memorable (Lee 1999; Ono and Pham 2008), that
blacks and whites may hold similar views. Second, Asian Americans usually
do not weigh into major sociopolitical battles (Lien, Conway, and Wong 2004;
Watson 2004; Kao 2006), and so blacks and whites may both perceive Asians as
“outsiders” (Sakamoto, Goyette and Kim 2007). Because of these factors, black-
white differences in attitudes towards Asians might be trivial.

1368 Social Forces 91(4)

Racial Triangulation of Hispanics
One could also imagine that Hispanics are also racially triangulated, given some
similarities to Asians Americans in their histories of assimilation in the United
States. Both groups were used as cheap labor, and continue to immigrate to the
United States in substantial proportions, seeking employment and competitive
wages. Because of this, both groups are often met with prejudice and discrimina-
tion arising from nativist sentiments among the American public (Alcoff 2003).
Therefore, the perpetual foreigner image could also be relevant to Hispanics,
as they are often perceived to be outsiders regardless of their immigrant sta-
tus (Alcoff 2003). In addition, there is some evidence that whites also valorize
Hispanics relative to blacks (Marrow 2009). On the other hand, Hispanics and
Asian Americans may be racialized differently from each other because of the
pervasiveness of the model minority stereotype of Asians in particular. Although
there may be broader processes at work that position both Asians and Hispanics
as outsiders in the field of racial positions, a unique valorization process for
Asians would substantiate C. Kim’s (1999) hypothesis.

There has been some research on the racial triangulation of Hispanics, includ-
ing Maldonado’s (2006) study of immigrant Hispanic, native-born Hispanic
and white workers and King’s (2010) study of Mexicans, Native Americans
and whites. However, these studies did not assess multiple dimensions of racial
stratification, nor did they make clear reference to blacks, a shaping force of
racialized politics in the United States. So, to examine whether Hispanics are tri-
angulated in ways similar to Asians, we conduct parallel analyses of Hispanics.
Although the focus of this paper is on the racialization of Asian Americans, the
examination of the relative position of Hispanics compared with whites and
blacks can help determine whether Asian Americans are racialized in distinct
ways or if the simultaneous valorization and ostracism applies to contemporary
immigrant groups more generally.

Data and Methods
This study uses data from selected years (1990, 1994, 2000, 2002, 2004, and
2006) of the GSS, which provide information on attitudes towards Asians (and
Hispanics in our supplemental analyses), blacks and whites. The GSS is a sample
of English-speaking adults living in households in the continental United States
and has tracked the opinions of Americans since 1972 (Davis and Smith 2009). It
is one of the best sources for attitudinal studies, including those on race relations.
Our samples consist of blacks and whites for whom there was no missing data
on the dependent variables of interest.3 Those who did not respond to or marked
“Don’t Know” for the racial attitude items were excluded from the analyses (rang-
ing from 1.8% to 12.8% of the cases depending on the item).4 Not all items were
asked in every year, nor were they always asked about all groups. So, in-sample
respondents are those who provided ratings of all three groups in the same survey
years. Our final sample sizes for the analyses of the racial triangulation of Asians
range from 1,122 to 3,609, and from 1,120 to 3,565 for that of Hispanics.

Asian Americans, Race Relations, Triangulation 1369

Beyond individual characteristics, socio-demographic characteristics of the
area in which an individual resides could also affect race relations and the
attitudes about the relative position of Asian Americans (Taylor 1998; Dixon
2006). Contextual variables (for details, see our discussion in the Independent
Variables section) are derived from Metropolitan Area and county-level data
based on the 1990 and 2000 Census 5 percent Public Use Microdata Sample.
We first identified the Metropolitan Area or county that corresponded to the
respondent’s Primary Sampling Unit (PSU), and then merged the GSS data with
the corresponding census data.5 We combined the 1990-1998 GSS surveys with
data from the 1990 Census, and we merged the 2000-2006 GSS data with infor-
mation from the 2000 Census.

Dependent Variables
Appendix table A1 lists the year(s) each question was asked, question wording
and coding schema for the variables used to construct our measures of racial
valorization and civic ostracism. Original responses were recoded so that a
higher value corresponds to a more favorable rating. We use respondents’ rat-
ings of each group’s family commitment, intelligence, nonviolence, wealth6 and
work ethic to assess the valorization of Asians relative to blacks and whites.
Because civic ostracism refers to the extent to which Asians are perceived to
be unassimilable, and thus excluded from being “insiders,” we use measures of
respondents’ acceptance of living in the same neighborhood with at least half of
the neighbors being from each racial group, and having a close family member
marrying a member of each group, as well as measures of respondents’ beliefs
about each group’s level of patriotism and their ratings of each group on the
feeling thermometer.7

We construct measures of relative position by comparing the ratings of the
same characteristics that respondents provided for Asians, blacks and whites. As
mentioned earlier, not all variables are available for all years, since respondents
were not asked the same questions or about the same groups each year. For
example, attitudes about patriotism were measured only in 1990, and questions
about living in the same neighborhood were asked only about Asians, blacks
and whites in 2000 (respondents were asked about Asians and blacks in 1990,
but the white category was divided into Northern and Southern whites). Using
the ratings of all three groups, we create a set of categorical-dependent variables
that measure the position of Asians relative to blacks and whites.

There are 13 possible combinations of how Asians are rated compared with
blacks and whites. Because of the small number of cases for some categories,
as well as the problem of dimensionality, we collapse the relative ratings into
four categories for each of our dependent variables (see Appendix table A2 for
details). If the scores for Asians, blacks and whites are the same, then all groups
are assumed to have equal status (“all groups equal”). If a respondent rates
Asians higher than blacks and whites, or higher than one group and equal to
the other group, then we consider Asians as being rated relatively high on the
racial hierarchy (“Asians high”). We do this because even if Asians share the top

1370 Social Forces 91(4)

position with another group, we argue that it is still considered to be a high posi-
tion.8 If a respondent rates Asians between blacks and whites, then we consider
Asians to assume a “middle” status (“Asians middle”). If a respondent rates
Asians lower than blacks and whites or lower than one group and equal to the
other, then we code Asians to be at the bottom of the racial hierarchy (“Asians
low”).9,10

Using measures of relative position has advantages over simpler measures
used in previous studies. First, they can effectively extract the crucial informa-
tion about the implicit comparisons that respondents usually make across dif-
ferent groups for similar questions asked in consecutive order. This is essential
for the racial triangulation perspective, as the evaluation of Asian Americans
is only meaningful when considered in relation to other groups. Second, the
idiosyncrasy in respondents’ ratings may cast doubt over conclusions drawn
from analyses of nonrelational social positions. For example, highly educated
people are more inclined to provide socially desirable responses (Jackman and
Muha 1984) and may give high ratings to all races. With a nonrelative measure
of respondents’ evaluations of Asians, we might conclude that education is
positively related to favorable ratings of Asian Americans. We would not know,
however, if more educated individuals would rank Asians higher or lower than
other groups.

Independent Variables
Table 1 presents descriptive statistics for the independent variables included
in each analysis. Race is measured with a dichotomous indicator, with “1”
referring to black and “0” to white. We control for age (in decades), gender
(male = 1 and female = 0 [reference]), and region (North, South, Midwest, and
West [reference]). To account for individuals’ socioeconomic status, we include
education, which is measured by years of schooling, family income (logged)11
and employment status (part-time employed, unemployed, other types, and
full-time employed [reference]). We also add party affiliation (Republican,
Democrat, Independent, and other party affiliation [reference]) and survey year
(year dummies) to account for the influence of political orientation and period
effects.12

For PSU-level characteristics, we control for percent non-Hispanic Asian, per-
cent Hispanic, percent non-Hispanic black, population size (logged), and median
household income (logged) to account for the sociodemographic characteristics
of the area. In addition, we examine whether the socioeconomic status of the
surrounding Asian community influences attitudes about Asians by including
the percent of Asians who have a college degree or higher.

Analytic Strategy
Our analyses proceed in three steps. First, we look at descriptive statistics of
the relative ratings of Asians to assess the average racial valorization and civic
ostracism of Asian Americans. Second, to examine predictors of attitudes about
the relative position of Asians and to assess whether black-white differences

Asian Americans, Race Relations, Triangulation 1371

Table 1. Descriptive Statistics of Independent Variables

Variable Mean (SD) Minimum Maximum

Survey Year

Year 1990 .09 .29 .00 1.00

Year 1994 .20 .40 .00 1.00

Year 2000 .19 .39 .00 1.00

Year 2002 .18 .39 .00 1.00

Year 2004 .18 .39 .00 1.00

Year 2006 .16 .37 .00 1.00

Race

White .85 .35 .00 1.00

Black .15 .35 .00 1.00

Age (in 10 years) 4.68 1.72 1.80 8.90

Gender

Female .56 .50 .00 1.00

Male .44 .50 .00 1.00

Region

West .19 .39 .00 1.00

Northeast .19 .39 .00 1.00

Midwest .25 .43 .00 1.00

South .37 .48 .00 1.00

Education 13.36 2.93 .00 20.00

Imputed Income 9.97 1.01 5.62 11.86

Employment

Full-time .52 .50 .00 1.00

Part-time .11 .31 .00 1.00

Unemployed .03 .17 .00 1.00

Other employment .34 .47 .00 1.00

Party Affiliation

Republican .29 .45 .00 1.00

Democrat .34 .47 .00 1.00

Independent .36 .48 .00 1.00

Other party .01 .12 .00 1.00

PSU-Level Contextual Variables

Asian college percent .43 .16 .00 1.00

Hispanics college percent .14 .09 .00 1.00

Log median HH Income 10.54 .27 9.49 12.48

Log total population 13.39 2.18 7.72 16.87

(Continued)

1372 Social Forces 91(4)

in these attitudes remain after taking into account other individual and con-
textual characteristics, we conduct multinomial logistic regression analyses,
with “Asians low” as the reference category. In the multivariate analyses, we
account for the nonindependence of observations within PSUs by using the
cluster option and robust standard errors in STATA.13 Third, to illustrate the
differences between blacks and whites, we generate predicted probabilities
using the estimates from multinomial logistic regressions. We derive these pre-
dictions using a “typical” respondent, who is set to have the mean values for
all independent variables in the model, and we only vary the individual’s race
(black = 1 and whites = 0).

We also conduct parallel analyses for ratings of Hispanics. As with the cod-
ing of the relative position of Asians, we use respondents’ ratings of Hispanics,
blacks and whites to determine the relative position of Hispanics for the same
set of racial valorization and civic ostracism indicators. We use the same inde-
pendent variables in our multivariate analyses except that we replace contextual
variables with those that are pertinent to Hispanics (e.g., percent of Hispanics
who have a college degree or higher).

Results
Table 2 shows the marginal distribution of each relative rating measure for Asian
Americans. In the full sample, in terms of racial valorization, the modal category
is to position Asians higher than other groups for family commitment (47.0%),
nonviolence (40.3%), wealth (40.0%) and work ethic (48.2%). On this dimen-
sion, intelligence is the only characteristic for which “Asians high” is the second
largest category. Most Americans rate all groups equal for intelligence (39.4%).
This last finding is somewhat surprising given that a pervasive stereotype of
Asians is their educational success. The overall valorization of Asians on these
indicators suggests that the perceptions of Asian Americans as the model minor-
ity are quite prevalent. The fact that Asians are rated high suggests that Asian
Americans are not just viewed as the model among minorities, but rather they
are perceived to be at the top of the racial hierarchy. Thus, C. Kim’s hypothesis
that Asian Americans fall between blacks and whites for racial valorization does
not exactly correspond to American public attitudes.

Another picture, however, emerges when one looks at the civic ostracism of
Asian Americans. Although some may be reassured by our finding that about

Table 1. continued

Variable Mean

Sociology homework help

Week 5 assignment 449

Assessment Tool Worksheet

Points 50

Assessment Description

For this assignment, complete the “Assessment Tool Worksheet.” Use the worksheet to list the appropriate assessment tool(s) you would use for the provided client situation and population.

While APA style is not required for the body of this assessment, solid academic writing is expected and in-text citations and references should be presented using APA documentation guidelines, which can be found in the APA Style Guide, located in the Student Success Center.

This assignment uses a scoring guide. Please review the scoring guide prior to beginning the assignment to become familiar with the expectations for successful completion.

You are required to submit this assignment to LopesWrite. A link to the LopesWrite technical support articles is located in Class Resources if you need assistance.

Attachments

Sociology homework help

1

Journal: Bias and Self-awareness

Janice Mattie

Walden University

SOCW-6051 Diversity, Human Rights and Social Justice

Dr. Andridia Mapson

3/13/2022

2

What was your experience of completing the implicit bias test? Which test did you choose,
and why?

Reflecting on the self-awareness test was interesting. It allowed me to think deeply to give a clear

and precise answer. The questions were occasionally considered but never asked how I might I feel

about a particular topic. I took the ADDRESSING-GSA- Self-Assessment test to recognize the

cultural characteristics of individuals. As social workers, it is essential to adapt and understand

people from all different cultural backgrounds. The result from the test shows what areas I was

more dominant in and what areas I was less dominant in. The results were not surprising to me,

and they gave me a better perspective of what areas I will need to learn and understand better.

Social workers need to be culturally competent, be self-aware of areas that exhibit bias, and be

willing to work on those areas.

What self-awareness themes have emerged so far in Week 1’s Discussion and this week’s
activities?

The self-awareness themes that have emerged from the discussions are reflecting on oneself and

digging deep to know yourself. As well as how do I perceive myself culturally and the dimension

of diversity? Reading through the learning recourses from the course in both weeks were a great

learning experience for me in addressing cultural, diversity and that is expected, especially since

this is the class that it is being taught. Learning the dynamics of culture and diversity will be a

great asset as the social work profession will be working with individuals of all backgrounds.

Identify a population that you are not comfortable with or would like to know more about;
this could be a population represented by the implicit bias test you took, but it does not have
to be.

I would say that I am comfortable with all types of populations. I work amongst a vastly diverse

group of people that I call my second family from home. The people that I would like to learn

more about are young adult and the elderly population. Young adults are at a critical development

Andridia Mapson
For this assignment you were to take the Harvard University Project Implicit Bias Test
Andridia Mapson

3

period of their lives. They are legally an adult but are not mentally or financially able to care for

themselves. Many of them are in the system and aging out. I often wonder what will be their next

step for their future. How will they get healthcare coverage for health check-ups? Where will they

live, and how safe are the areas where they reside? The elderly population is another group of

people that I would like to learn more about. They are considered vulnerable as some have to rely

on caretakers for their daily needs. Learning about these two different populations will gives me a

better understand on planning and finding the resources to help this group.

Why might you feel discomfort or want to know more about this population? Consider your
origins of thought, socialization into your culture and family, and any biases you may have.

It is tough to say that this group would make me feel discomfort. I am comfortably adapting to all

groups of people; however, what might make me think discomfort is a client who has a language

barrier or an elderly who shows bias issues with having a person of color working with the

individual. Although there may be reasons that can lead one to feel discomfort as a worker, it will

be my mission to uphold the NASW Code of Ethics in all areas of my work and to help as much as

I can.

4

5

Sociology homework help

March 2009

CONTENTS

iii

CONTENTS

Comprehensive Preparedness Guide 101

March 2009

C O N T E N T S

PREFACE ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… Preface-1
Acknowledgments ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… Preface-2

INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW ……………………………………………………………………………………………….. Intro-1
Introduction ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. Intro-1

Purpose ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. Intro-1
Applicability and Scope ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………. Intro-2
Supersession ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. Intro-2
Authorities ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… Intro-2
How to Use this Guide ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. Intro-3
Recommended Training …………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. Intro-4
NIMS Compliance and Integration …………………………………………………………………………………………….. Intro-5
Administrative Information ………………………………………………………………………………………………………. Intro-5
Revision Process ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… Intro-6

SECTION 1: PLANNING FUNDAMENTALS AND PROCESS

1. PLANNING FUNDAMENTALS ………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 1-1
Planning Principles …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 1-1
Strategic, Operational, and Tactical Planning …………………………………………………………………………………………. 1-4
Supporting Planning Approaches ………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 1-6
Plan Integration ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 1-6
Plan Synchronization ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 1-7
Planning Pitfalls ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 1-10

2. PLANNING CONSIDERATIONS ……………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 2-1
Information Sharing ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 2-3
Planning for Adaptive Versus Non-Adaptive Risks …………………………………………………………………………………. 2-4
Planning Strategies for Prevention and Protection ………………………………………………………………………………….. 2-4
Planning Strategies for Response and Recovery …………………………………………………………………………………….. 2-5
Planning in Support of Overall Preparedness …………………………………………………………………………………………. 2-7

3. THE PLANNING PROCESS ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 3-1
Overview …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 3-1
Characteristics of Effective Planning Processes …………………………………………………………………………………….. 3-2
Steps in the Planning Process ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 3-2
Step 1: Form a Collaborative Planning Team …………………………………………………………………………………………. 3-3
Step 2: Understand the Situation …………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 3-9

Conduct Research ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 3-9
Analyze the Information ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 3-11

iv

March 2009

Step 3: Determine Goals and Objectives ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 3-13
Step 4: Plan Development ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 3-15

Develop and Analyze Courses of Action, Identify Resources …………………………………………………………….. 3-15
Step 5: Plan Preparation, Review, and Approval …………………………………………………………………………………… 3-18

Write the Plan ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 3-18
Approve and Disseminate the Plan ………………………………………………………………………………………………… 3-19

Step 6: Plan Refinement and Execution ……………………………………………………………………………………………….. 3-20
Exercise the Plan and Evaluate Its Effectiveness ……………………………………………………………………………… 3-20
Review, Revise, and Maintain the Plan …………………………………………………………………………………………… 3-23

4. LINKING FEDERAL, STATE, TERRITORIAL, TRIBAL, AND LOCAL PLANS ………………………………… 4-1
Emergency Planning Requirements ………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 4-1

The National Incident Management System ………………………………………………………………………………………. 4-2
The National Response Framework ………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 4-4

Relationship between Federal Plans and State EOPs ………………………………………………………………………………. 4-7
Federal Emergency Plans at the National Level ………………………………………………………………………………… 4-7
Federal Emergency Plans at the Regional Level ………………………………………………………………………………… 4-8
State Emergency Operations Plan …………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 4-8

Linking Federal, State, Territorial, Tribal, and Local Emergency Plans……………………………………………………. 4-11

SECTION 2: PLANNING APPLICATION —
DEVELOPING AN EMERGENCY OPERATIONS PLAN

5. EMERGENCY OPERATIONS PLAN FORMATS ………………………………………………………………………………… 5-1
The Emergency Operations Plan as a CONPLAN…………………………………………………………………………………… 5-1

State, Territorial, Tribal, and Local EOPs ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 5-2
Structuring an EOP …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 5-3

Traditional Functional Format …………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 5-4
Emergency Support Function (ESF) Format …………………………………………………………………………………….. 5-6
Agency-/Department-Focused Format ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 5-8

Using Planning Templates …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 5-10
Additional Types of Plans ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 5-11

Procedural Documents ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 5-12
Determining Whether to Use a Plan or Procedural Document ……………………………………………………………. 5-14

v

CONTENTS

Comprehensive Preparedness Guide 101

March 2009

6. EMERGENCY OPERATIONS PLAN CONTENT ……………………………………………………………………………….. 6-1
The Basic Plan …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 6-1

Introductory Material ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 6-1
Purpose, Scope, Situation, and Assumptions ……………………………………………………………………………………… 6-2
Concept of Operations ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 6-3
Organization and Assignment of Responsibilities ………………………………………………………………………………. 6-3
Direction, Control, and Coordination ……………………………………………………………………………………………….. 6-4
Information Collection and Dissemination ………………………………………………………………………………………… 6-4
Communications ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 6-4
Administration, Finance, and Logistics …………………………………………………………………………………………….. 6-5
Plan Development and Maintenance ………………………………………………………………………………………………… 6-5
Authorities and References ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 6-5

Supporting Annexes ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 6-6
Functional, Support, Emergency Phase, or Agency-Focused Annex Content …………………………………………. 6-6

Hazard-, Threat-, or Incident-Specific Annexes or Appendices…………………………………………………………………. 6-9
Annex and/or Appendix Implementing Instructions ………………………………………………………………………….. 6-10
Special Preparedness Programs ……………………………………………………………………………………………………… 6-11

SECTION 3: APPENDICES

APPENDIX A: AUTHORITIES AND REFERENCES ……………………………………………………………………………. A-1

APPENDIX B: GLOSSARY AND LIST OF ACRONYMS ……………………………………………………………………….. B-1

APPENDIX C: EOP DEVELOPMENT GUIDE ………………………………………………………………………………………. C-1

APPENDIX D: HAZARD MITIGATION PLANNING …………………………………………………………………………….D-1

FIGURES

1.1 Planning Horizons …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 1-8

1.2 Forward and Reverse Planning ………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 1-9

2.1 Homeland Security Mission Areas ……………………………………………………………………………………………………… 2-2

2.2 Suggested Preparedness Estimate Format ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 2-7

3.1 Comparison of Published Planning Processes …………………………………………………………………………………….. 3-1

vi

March 2009

3.2 Process for Completing the Planning Steps ………………………………………………………………………………………… 3-3

3.3 “Yellow Sticky” Chart ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 3-16

4.1 Relationships of the National Preparedness Initiatives to State, Territorial,
Tribal, and Local Emergency Planning ………………………………………………………………………………………………. 4-3

4.2 Federal and State Planning Relationships ………………………………………………………………………………………… 4-10

4.3 Linkages between Federal, Regional, and State and Local Plans ……………………………………………………….. 4-11

5.1 Traditional Functional EOP Format ………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 5-5

5.2 Emergency Support Function EOP Format ………………………………………………………………………………………… 5-7

5.3 Agency-/Department-Focused EOP Format ……………………………………………………………………………………….. 5-9

C.1 Process for Completing the Planning Steps ……………………………………………………………………………………….. C-4

TABLES

3.1 Potential Members of a Larger Community Planning Team ………………………………………………………………… 3-6

3.2 Sample Hazards List ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 3-12

6.1 Comparison of Potential Functional Annex Structures ……………………………………………………………………….. 6-8

D.1 CPG 101 and Mitigation Planning Process Comparison ……………………………………………………………………..D-2

PREFACE

Preface-1

PREFACE

Comprehensive Preparedness Guide 101

March 2009

P R E FA C E

This Comprehensive Preparedness Guide, CPG 101, expands on the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s
(FEMA’s) efforts to provide guidance about response and recovery planning to State, Territorial, Tribal, and Local
governments. It also extends those planning concepts into the prevention and protection mission areas. Some
predecessor material can be traced back to the 1960s-era Federal Civil Defense Guide. Long-time emergency
management practitioners also will recognize the influence of Civil Preparedness Guide 1-8, Guide for the
Development of State and Local Emergency Operations Plans, and State and Local Guide (SLG) 101, Guide for
All-Hazards Emergency Operations Planning, in this document.

While CPG 101 maintains its link to the past, it also reflects the changed reality of the current operational planning
environment. Hurricane Hugo and the Loma Prieta earthquake influenced the development of CPG 1-8. Hurricane
Andrew and the Midwest floods shaped the contents of SLG 101. In a similar way, CPG 101 reflects the impacts
of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks and recent major disasters, such as Hurricanes Katrina and Rita, on
the emergency planning community. CPG 101 integrates concepts from the National Preparedness Guidelines
(NPG), National Incident Management System (NIMS), National Response Framework (NRF), National
Strategy for Information Sharing (NSIS), and National Infrastructure Protection Plan (NIPP), and it incorporates
recommendations from the 2005 Nationwide Plan Review. CPG 101 also serves as a companion document to the
Integrated Planning System (IPS) mandated by Annex I of Homeland Security Presidential Directive (HSPD)-8,
and it fulfills the requirement that the IPS address State and local planning. Additionally, CPG 101 also references
the Target Capabilities List (TCL) that outlines the fundamental capabilities essential to implementing the National
Preparedness Guidelines. As part of a larger planning modernization effort, CPG 101 provides methods for State,
Territorial, Tribal, and Local planners to:

• Develop sufficiently trained planners to meet and sustain planning requirements;

• Identify resource demands and operational options across all homeland security mission areas throughout
the planning process;

• Link planning, preparedness, and resource and asset management processes and data in a virtual environment;

• Prioritize plans and planning efforts to best support emergency management and homeland security strategies
and allow for their seamless transition to execution;

• Produce and tailor the full range of combined Federal, State, Territorial, Tribal, and Local government options
according to changing circumstances; and

• Quickly produce plans on demand, with revisions as needed.

This Guide provides emergency and homeland security managers and other
emergency services personnel with FEMA’s recommendations on how to
address the entire planning process — from forming a planning team, through
writing and maintaining the plan, to executing the plan. It also encourages
emergency and homeland security managers to follow a process that addresses
all of the hazards and threats that might impact their jurisdiction through a suite
of operations plans (OPLANs) connected to a single, integrated concept plan
(CONPLAN).

Terms and acronyms in the text
emphasized with bold type come from
the FEMA Acronyms, Abbreviations, and
Terms (FAAT) or the National Incident
Management System (NIMS). The
glossary lists most terms used in CPG
101 that have FAAT or NIMS definitions.
Bold and italic type is used for terms or
acronyms first identified in this CPG.

Preface-2

March 2009

Over the past five years, many communities developed multi-hazard mitigation plans, addressing many of the same
hazards as their emergency operations plan (EOP). In fact, the hazard identification and risk assessment sections of
these plans should be the same (while mitigation plans are only required to address natural hazards, communities are
encouraged to address man-made and technological hazards as well). Communities are encouraged to coordinate their
mitigation and emergency management planning efforts to reduce duplication of effort.

This Guide should help State, Territorial, Tribal, and Local governments produce operations plans that:

• Serve as the basis for effective response to any hazard that threatens the jurisdiction;

• Integrate prevention, protection, and mitigation activities with traditional response and recovery planning; and

• Facilitate coordination with the Federal government during incidents that require the implementation of the NRF
(includes consultation and coordination in support of unilateral Federal government actions under its authorities
and pursuant to the National Implementation Plan for the Global War on Terror).

Additionally, CPG 101 incorporates concepts that come from operations planning research and day-to-day experience:

• Effective plans convey the goals and objectives of the intended operation and the actions needed to achieve them.

• Successful operations occur when organizations know their roles, accept them, and understand how they fit into
the overall plan.

• The process of planning is just as important as the document that results from it.

• Plans are not scripts followed to the letter but are flexible and adaptable to the actual situation.

This Guide is part of a larger series of planning-related CPGs published by FEMA. CPG 101 discusses the steps used
to produce an emergency operations plan, possible plan structures, and what goes into the basic plan and its annexes.
Follow-on guides will provide detailed information about planning considerations for different functions, hazards,
and threats.

CPG 101 is the foundation for State and local planning in the United States. Planners in other disciplines and
organizations may find portions of this Guide useful in the development of their operations plans. FEMA-141,
Emergency Management Guide for Business and Industry, provides additional information for developing emergency
response plans for private sector organizations.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

A working group composed of more than 40 members from State and local governments, professional associations,
and universities developed CPG 101.

INTRODUCTION
AND OVERVIEW

March 2009

Intro-1

INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW

Comprehensive Preparedness Guide 101

I N T R O D U C T I O N A N D O V E RV I E W

INTRODUCTION

Purpose

CPG 101 provides general guidelines on developing emergency operations plans. It promotes a common
understanding of the fundamentals of planning and decision making to help operations planners examine a hazard
or threat and produce integrated, coordinated, and synchronized plans. This Guide helps emergency and homeland
security managers in State, Territorial, Tribal, and Local governments (hereafter, State and Local governments) in
their efforts to develop and maintain viable all-hazard, all-threat emergency plans. Each jurisdiction’s plans must
reflect what that community will do to protect itself from its unique hazards and threats with the unique resources it
has or can obtain.

Planning has a proven ability to influence events before they occur and
is an indispensable contribution to unity of effort. The President identified
emergency planning as a national security priority, and this prioritization is
reflected in the National Preparedness Guidelines. Planning must be conducted
in an atmosphere of trust and mutual understanding. Accomplished properly,
planning provides a methodical way to think through the entire life cycle of
a potential crisis, determine required capabilities, and help stakeholders learn
and practice their roles. It directs how a community envisions and shares a
desired outcome, selects effective ways to achieve it, and communicates expected results. Planning is not formulaic or
scripted. No planner can anticipate every scenario or foresee every outcome. Planners measure a plan’s quality by its
effectiveness when used to address unforeseen events, not by the fact that responders executed it as scripted.

Comprehensive planning systems involve both deliberative planning and incident action planning. Deliberative
planning is the process of developing strategic and operational plans based upon facts or assumptions about the
circumstances involved in a hypothetical situation; in other words, they are created in advance of events. In incident
action planning, leaders adapt existing deliberative plans during an incident or when they recognize that a specific
event is about to occur. Planners know that both deliberative and incident action planning are critical to developing a
robust planning capability within and among all stakeholders (including nongovernmental organizations [NGOs]).

Planners achieve unity of purpose through horizontal coordination
and vertical integration of plans among all levels and sectors. This
supports the foundational principle that in many situations homeland
security operations start at the Local level and add State, Regional, and
Federal assets as the affected jurisdiction requires additional resources
and capabilities. This means that plans must be integrated vertically
among levels of government to ensure a common operational focus.
Similarly, planners at each level must ensure that individual department and agency operation plans fit into the
jurisdiction’s plans. This horizontal coordination ensures that each department or agency understands, accepts, and is
prepared to execute mission assignments identified in the jurisdiction’s plans. Incorporating both aspects ensures that
the sequence and scope of a planned operation (what should happen, when, and at whose direction) are synchronized
in terms of purpose, place, and time for all participants.

“Let our advance worrying
become advanced thinking
and planning.”

Winston Churchill

Planners should employ processes to
coordinate and integrate NGO plans
with their jurisdiction’s plans.

March 2009

Intro-2

A shared planning system or planning community increases collaboration, makes planning cycles more efficient
and effective, and makes plans easier to maintain. Planning is an essential homeland security activity. It requires
policies, procedures, and tools that support the decision makers and planners who make up the planning community.
Through this effort, FEMA hopes to create a comprehensive national planning system and develop a dynamic national
planning community. This is the goal of HSPD-8, through both the National Preparedness Guidelines and Annex I to
HSPD-8.

Applicability and Scope

FEMA recommends that teams responsible for developing emergency plans within State and Local governments and
in the private sector use CPG 101 to guide their efforts. It provides a context for emergency planning in light of other
existing plans and describes a process to use in any planning effort. The Guide recognizes that many jurisdictions
across the country have already developed emergency operations plans (EOPs) that address many homeland security
operations. Therefore, CPG 101 establishes no immediate requirements but suggests that the next iteration of all EOPs
follow this guidance.

Supersession

CPG 101 is new. It replaces SLG 101, which is rescinded.

Authorities

Through the Robert T. Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act (the Stafford Act), as amended,
42 United States Code (U.S.C.) 5121, et seq., Congress recognizes emergency management as a joint responsibility
of Federal, State, and Local governments. For the Federal government, Congress defines a role that includes providing
“necessary direction, coordination, and guidance” (Sec. 601, 42 U.S.C. 5195) for the nation’s emergency management
system, to include “technical assistance to the states in developing comprehensive plans and practicable programs for
preparation against disasters” (Sec. 201(b), 42 U.S.C. 5131(b)).

The Stafford Act (Sec. 404 (a), 42 U.S.C 5170c (c)) also provides the legal authority for FEMA’s requirement
(44 Code of Federal Regulations [CFR] Part 201) that State, Territorial, Tribal, and Local governments produce
mitigation plans as a condition of receiving funding for mitigation grants. This Act provides an opportunity for States
and local governments to take a new and revitalized approach to mitigation planning and emphasizes the need for
State and Local entities to closely coordinate mitigation planning and implementation efforts. The requirement for a
State mitigation plan is also a condition of disaster public assistance, adding incentives for increased coordination and
integration of mitigation activities at the State level.

The Homeland Security Act of 2002 provides the basis for Department of Homeland Security (DHS) responsibilities
in the protection of the Nation’s critical infrastructures and key resources (CIKR). The Act assigns DHS the
responsibility to develop a comprehensive national plan for securing CIKR and for recommending “measures
necessary to protect the key resources and critical infrastructure of the United States in coordination with other
agencies of the Federal government and in cooperation with State and Local government agencies and authorities,
the private sector, and other entities.”

March 2009

Intro-3

INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW

Comprehensive Preparedness Guide 101

Additionally, Chapter 1, Title 44 of the Code of Federal Regulations promulgates regulations governing emergency
management and assistance and provides procedural, eligibility, and funding requirements for program operations.

State, Territorial, Tribal and Local, governments should use this Guide to supplement laws, policies, and regulations
from their jurisdictions.

How to Use this Guide

CPG 101 is designed to help both novice and experienced
planners navigate the planning process. Chapter 1
discusses planning fundamentals. It focuses on the
characteristics of operational planning, the art and
science of planning, and on concepts for plan integration
and synchronization. Chapter 2 discusses planning
considerations common to all homeland security missions
and then elaborates on the distinctive aspects of planning
for each individual mission area (Prevent, Protect,
Respond, and Recover). Chapter 3 outlines the steps of
the homeland security planning process. It discusses how
to produce operations plans as a team, the importance of
research and hazard analysis in producing a plan, and how
to determine the roles and responsibilities of participating
organizations. Chapter 4 discusses linking Federal, State,
Territorial, Tribal, and Local plans. Chapter 5 provides some
practice-based options for structuring operations plans,
using existing EOPs. Again using the EOP as an example,
Chapter 6 discusses typical content for an operations
plan’s basic plan and annexes. It also summarizes other
forms of emergency plans and the relationship between
those plans and an operations plan. The appendices
include the following:

• A list of source material used in devel

Sociology homework help

Journal of Vocational Behavior 126 (2021) 103476

Available online 20 April 2021
0001-8791/© 2020 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Life stage, lifespan, and life course perspectives on vocational
behavior and development: A theoretical framework, review, and
research agenda

Hannes Zacher a, *, Ariane Froidevaux b

a Institute of Psychology – Wilhelm Wundt, Leipzig University, Leipzig, Germany
b Department of Management, University of Texas at Arlington, Arlington, United States

A R T I C L E I N F O

Keywords:
Aging
Career development
Life stage
Life course
Lifespan

A B S T R A C T

This article for the 50th anniversary issue of the Journal of Vocational Behavior theoretically in-
tegrates, reviews, and critically discusses research that investigates vocational behavior and
development based on life stage, lifespan, and life course perspectives. First, we describe key
tenets of these perspectives and associated theories of vocational behavior and development.
Second, we present a theoretical framework that integrates the lifespan and life course per-
spectives by addressing (a) relationships between age and important work and career outcomes (i.
e., career decisions and success, job search and turnover, work motivation and behavior, atti-
tudes, occupational health and well-being), (b) age-related person and contextual mechanisms of
these relationships, and (c) interactive effects of age with person characteristics, contextual
characteristics, and/or work and career outcomes. Third, based on the theoretical framework, we
summarize cumulative empirical evidence for these age-related associations and effects for the
various work and career outcomes. Moreover, we review conceptual and empirical articles on
aging, life stage, lifespan, and life course development published in the Journal of Vocational
Behavior over the past 50 years. Finally, we conclude with a discussion of theoretical implications
and directions for future research that adopts an integrated lifespan and life course perspective on
vocational behavior and development.

1. Introduction

The notions of aging and career both involve long-term temporal processes and, therefore, it is not surprising that scholars have
frequently adopted life stage and lifespan perspectives to study vocational behavior and development (Fasbender & Deller, 2017;
Nagy, Froidevaux, & Hirschi, 2019). Life stage theories divide lives and careers into several discrete, age-related, and normative stages,
such as “exploration,” “establishment,” and “decline” (e.g., Levinson, 1986; Super, 1953). Over the past three decades, however, these
theories have been largely superseded by vocational theories based more or less explicitly on the lifespan perspective (e.g., De Vos, Van
der Heijden, & Akkermans, 2020; Savickas et al., 2009). The lifespan perspective originates from the field of developmental psy-
chology and conceives individual development (ontogenesis) as a lifelong, continuous, and multidirectional process that is influenced
by the interplay of biological maturation, contextual opportunities and constraints, and action regulation (Baltes, 1987).

* Corresponding author at: Institute of Psychology – Wilhelm Wundt, Leipzig University, Neumarkt 9-19, 04109 Leipzig, Germany.
E-mail address: hannes.zacher@uni-leipzig.de (H. Zacher).

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Journal of Vocational Behavior

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jvb

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2020.103476
Received 11 December 2019; Received in revised form 29 May 2020; Accepted 29 July 2020

Journal of Vocational Behavior 126 (2021) 103476

2

However, despite repeated calls to better integrate research on vocational behavior and development with the lifespan perspective
(e.g., Hansson, DeKoekkoek, Neece, & Patterson, 1997; Savickas, 2001), the literature is limited in three important ways. First,
numerous studies have investigated relationships between age and various work and career outcomes, whereas only few studies have
systematically examined mechanisms and boundary conditions of these relationships (Zacher, 2015). A potential reason for this may
be that research on the role of age for vocational behavior and development is lacking an integrative theoretical framework. Second,
research on vocational behavior and development has largely neglected the broader context in which modern careers unfold, including
institutional structures, organizational policies and practices, and social roles (Tomlinson, Baird, Berg, & Cooper, 2018). The interplay
between these contextual characteristics and agency (i.e., “the human capability to exert influence over one’s actions and environ-
ment;” Hirst, Yeo, Celestine, Lin, & Richardson, 2020, p. 377) is emphasized by the life course perspective, which originated from the
field of sociology (Elder, 1975) and developed in parallel to the lifespan perspective (Mayer, 2003). While the potential importance of
both lifespan and life course perspectives for the study of careers has been acknowledged (Savickas, 2002), these perspectives remain
largely disintegrated, thus preventing transdisciplinary research on vocational behavior and development. Third, existing vocational
theories are often only loosely based on the meta-theoretical lifespan and life course perspectives and, as such, have not integrated
more specific theories and constructs that emerged from these perspectives and are frequently employed in developmental psychology
(e.g., the model of selection, optimization, and compensation; Baltes & Baltes, 1990) and sociology (e.g., the social construction and
sustainment of gender norms; Moen & Sweet, 2004). This is unfortunate, because incorporating these theories and constructs could
help to significantly advance our understanding of age-related differences and changes in experiences, behavior, and outcomes in
contemporary workplaces and careers (Rudolph, 2016; Tomlinson et al., 2018).

To address the limitations, the goals of this article for the 50th anniversary issue of the Journal of Vocational Behavior (JVB) are
threefold. First, we describe the key tenets of the life stage, lifespan, and life course perspectives, as well as vocational theories more or
less explicitly based upon them. We further propose an integrative theoretical framework that incorporates central ideas of the lifespan
and life course perspectives to review and guide research on the role of age and aging in vocational behavior and development (n.b. we
did not integrate the life stage perspective because it was superseded by the lifespan perspective). The framework focuses on age-
related differences or changes in important work and career outcomes, as well as various age-related person (e.g., knowledge,
skills, abilities, motives) and contextual characteristics (e.g., job demands, social roles, organizational policies, labor laws, culture)
that might explain the effects of age and/or interact with age in predicting work and career outcomes. Second, based on our theoretical
framework, we summarize cumulative empirical evidence for age-related associations and effects for various work and career out-
comes (i.e., career decisions and success, job search and turnover, work motivation and behavior, work and career attitudes, occu-
pational health and well-being). In addition, we review all conceptual and empirical articles on age, aging, as well as life stage,
lifespan, and life course development published in JVB over the past five decades. Third, based upon the literature review, we outline
an agenda for future research on age in vocational behavior and development that draws on key aspects of both lifespan and life course
perspectives as well as the integrative theoretical framework.

The theoretical framework, literature review, and future research agenda presented in this article contribute to theory develop-
ment, future research, and practice in several ways. We develop suggestions on how existing vocational theories on career develop-
ment could be enriched by integrating more specific ideas and constructs from lifespan and life course perspectives. Moreover, the
integration of key aspects of the lifespan and life course perspectives within the theoretical framework and the identification of
corresponding gaps in the empirical literature can guide more targeted and comprehensive research efforts to better understand the
interplay of age, person, and contextual characteristics in predicting important work and career outcomes. For counseling and
organizational practitioners interested in supporting individuals at various points in their careers, our literature review provides an
overview of existing cumulative evidence regarding the role of age and aging in vocational behavior and development.

With this article, we build on and extend previous reviews on the role of age and aging, as well as the life stage, lifespan, and life
course perspectives for vocational behavior and development published in JVB and other outlets (for recent examples, see Hertel &
Zacher, 2018; Tomlinson et al., 2018; Truxillo, Cadiz, & Hammer, 2015). Over the 50-year history of JVB, several articles have
highlighted the importance of these perspectives. A review for the 20th anniversary issue of JVB focused on the topic of demographic
changes and vocational behavior, including workers’ mid- and late-career experiences (e.g., transition, age discrimination; London &
Greller, 1991). Another review published one year later also discussed lifespan perspectives on career behavior, noting that researchers
had neglected studying career behavior in mid- and later adulthood (Swanson, 1992). In 1997, a review article focused on research on
successful aging in the workplace (Hansson et al., 1997). The authors covered various age-related topics, including job performance,
occupational well-being, health and safety, careers and retirement, gender, and age discrimination. A review for the 30th anniversary
issue of JVB identified longitudinal research on work adjustment across the lifespan as a major opportunity for future research (Betz,
2001). In the same issue, Vondracek (2001) proposed that vocational psychology, to realize its potential in a changing world of work,
“… must become a science and profession that can speak authoritatively on all substantive questions dealing with the vocational
development of children, adolescents, and adults” (p. 252). Subsequent reviews and editorials in JVB have echoed this sentiment,
highlighting the fundamental importance of the lifespan and life course perspectives to research on work and careers (Savickas, 2002;
Vondracek & Hartung, 2002; Vondracek & Porfeli, 2002). Finally, a review article focused on vocational development (e.g., career
exploration, awareness, expectations, interests, adaptability) during early-to-late childhood and its links with development in later life
(Hartung, Porfeli, & Vondracek, 2005).

H. Zacher and A. Froidevaux

Journal of Vocational Behavior 126 (2021) 103476

3

2. Theoretical background

2.1. Life stage, lifespan, and life course perspectives

The life stage perspective and associated theoretical models have a long tradition in the fields of gerontology and developmental
psychology (Erikson, 1950; Levinson, 1986), and they have had a significant impact on vocational theories developed before the 1990s
(see also Nagy et al., 2019). Life stage models typically divide the human lifespan into several discrete and normative stages with
associated psychosocial tasks that have to be addressed to progress in one’s development. For instance, Erikson (1950) suggested that
adolescence (i.e., 12 to 18 years) is characterized by a psychosocial conflict between identity vs. role confusion, whereas middle age (i.
e., 40 to 65 years) entails a conflict between generativity vs. stagnation.

While many of the themes and constructs of the life stage perspective (e.g., generativity) have not been invalidated, at the end of the
20th century it was superseded by the lifespan perspective, which does not postulate discrete stages and conceives development as
continuous and more flexible. In his seminal articles, Baltes (1987; Baltes, Reese, & Lipsitt, 1980) outlined a set of meta-theoretical
propositions about the nature of lifespan development, which strongly influence contemporary research on work and aging (see
Zacher, Rudolph, & Baltes, 2019): (1) development is a lifelong process and no age period is superior to others; (2) development is
multidirectional within and across domains of functioning; (3) development always involves the joint occurrence of gains and losses;
(4) development is modifiable within persons (i.e., plasticity); (5) development is historically, culturally, and socially embedded; (6)
development depends on the interplay of normative age-graded, normative history-graded, and non-normative influences; and (7)
development should be studied from multiple scientific perspectives. In sum, the lifespan perspective focuses on individual devel-
opment as a process of adaptation to growth, decline, and maintenance in psychological experience and functioning (Baltes, 1997).

Based on the broader lifespan perspective, several specific lifespan theories have been developed that are often used in research on
work and aging (for an in-depth review, see Rudolph, 2016). The model of selection, optimization, and compensation proposes that
individuals adapt to functional losses and proactively influence their development by changing their goals, increasing their in-
vestments into goal pursuit, and using alternative goal-relevant means (Baltes & Baltes, 1990). Similarly, the model of assimilative and
accommodative coping suggests that to age successfully, individuals have to tenaciously pursue and flexibly adjust their goals
(Brandtstädter & Renner, 1990). Lifespan theories have also been developed to understand age-related changes in fluid and crystal-
lized cognitive abilities, personality adjustment and growth (Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 2006; Baltes, Staudinger, & Lin-
denberger, 1999), and the prioritization of positive emotional experiences and meaningful social goals with increasing age
(socioemotional selectivity theory; Carstensen, Isaacowitz, & Charles, 1999; strength and vulnerability integration theory; Charles,
2010). Finally, the motivational theory of lifespan development (similar to its predecessor, the lifespan theory of control; Heckhausen
& Schulz, 1995) suggests that successful aging requires the optimal use of primary control strategies (i.e., proactively changing the
environment) and secondary control strategies (i.e., adapting the self to the environment; Heckhausen, Wrosch, & Schulz, 2010).

The life course perspective developed in parallel to the lifespan perspective primarily in the field of sociology (Elder, 1975; Mayer,
2009; Settersten & Mayer, 1997). Whereas the lifespan perspective, consistent with its origins in psychology, focuses mainly on the
individual, the life course perspective places a stronger emphasis on the broader context in which the development of individuals and

Fig. 1. Person and contextual characteristics relevant to work and careers and normative age-related changes in these characteristics.

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groups is embedded. According to Mayer (2003), the life course perspective aims to understand three key mechanisms that shape
biographical patterns: (1) Societal subsystems, structures, and institutions (e.g., families, schools, organizations, occupational struc-
ture, labor law, public welfare, historical period) that select groups of individuals into developmental pathways; (2) prior life histories
of individuals and groups (e.g., work experiences, background of poverty, accumulated resources); and (3) social roles (e.g., based on
traditional gender norms) and social groups (e.g., based on socioeconomic status). The life course perspective examines how these
factors lead to differences in role entries, trajectories, and exits over time between men and women, social classes, countries, and
historical periods. It further proposes that, by constructing their lives, individuals reproduce social structures—but they can also
change these structures collectively by creating new institutions (Mayer, 2003).

More specific life course concepts include agency (i.e., individuals’ decisions and actions to shape their development within given
structural opportunities and constraints); “linked lives” and social pathways (i.e., interpersonal relationships and membership in social
groups influence life choices and outcomes); the individual and collective construction of meaning through social identities and shared
values; and multiple layers of context, including demographic, economic, technological, community, and organizational ecologies
(Moen & Sweet, 2004). In sum, the life course perspective suggests that individual and collective development results from the
interplay between social structure and agency, and places a stronger focus on the former than the latter.

Based on the lifespan and life course perspectives and associated research (e.g., Rudolph & Zacher, 2019; Settersten, 2017), Fig. 1

Table 1
Theories of vocational behavior and development based on life stage, lifespan and life course perspectives.

Theory Developmental
perspective(s)

Theoretical background and assumptions Key references

Conception of adult
development

Life stage “The life structure develops through a relatively orderly sequence of
age-linked periods during the adult years” (Levinson, 1986, p. 7).
Nine developmental “structure-building” and “structure-changing”
periods, ranging from the “early adult transition” (17–22 years) to the
“late adult transition” (60–65 years).

Levinson, Darrow, Klein,
Levinson, and McKee (1978);
Levinson (1986)

Life-span, life-space
approach to career
development

Life stage The theory examines career choice and development as (a) movement
over time through developmental stages associated with
developmental tasks (i.e., growth, exploration, establishment,
maintenance, disengagement), (b) arrangement of psychosocial roles
(e.g., student, worker, homemaker), and (c) implementation of the
self-concept in different roles.

Super (1953); Super (1980)

Career development
framework

Life stage The theory focuses on salespersons and assumes that three distinct
career stages (i.e., establishment, advancement, maturity) impact on
performance, satisfaction, and involvement via motivational
characteristics (e.g., expectancies), skills and aptitudes, as well as role
perceptions (e.g., conflict).

Cron (1984)

Boundaryless career Lifespan The theory emphasizes physical and psychological mobility of
individuals as “free agents” independent of traditional organizational
career arrangements, including a focus on external networks, work-
nonwork balance, and subjective career success.

Arthur and Rousseau (1996);
Sullivan and Arthur (2006)

Protean career Lifespan The theory emphasizes the importance of individual proactivity,
values, and self-directedness for career decisions and focuses on
subjective career success and the meta-competencies of identity and
adaptability.

Hall and Moss (1998); Hall
(2004)

Kaleidoscope career Lifespan and life
course

The theory emphasizes the relational nature of women’s career
decisions and suggests that women reject “the concept of a linear
career progression, preferring instead to create non-traditional, self-
crafted careers that suit their objectives, needs and life criteria” (
Mainiero & Sullivan, 2005, p. 109)

Mainiero and Sullivan (2005)

Life design paradigm for
career construction

Lifespan and life
course

The paradigm adopts a life-long, holistic, contextual, and preventive
approach. Consistent with social constructionism, it emphasizes
contextual possibilities, dynamic processes, non-linear progression,
multiple realities/perspectives, and personal patterns.

Savickas et al. (2009)

Sustainable careers Lifespan and life
course

“Sequences of career experiences reflected through a variety of
patterns of continuity over time, thereby crossing several social
spaces, characterized by individual agency, herewith providing
meaning to the individual” (Van der Heijden & De Vos, 2015, p. 7).

Van der Heijden and De Vos
(2015); De Vos et al. (2020)

Frayed careers Life course The theory emphasizes dynamic rhythms in careers, as well as the
gendered, age-specific, and class-related representation and
construction of careers. It criticizes the normative linearity and
upward direction in other career theories.

Sabelis and Schilling (2013)

Flexible careers across the
life course

Life course A multilevel theory of career development that integrates the
institutional environment (e.g., education and training systems,
welfare regimes, worker voice, working time and leave regulations,
retirement systems), organizational dynamics (e.g., flexible work
policies, organizational practices and culture, managerial agency),
and individual career decisions across multiple life course stages and
transitions (e.g., school-to-work, family and care, retirement).

Moen and Sweet (2004);
Tomlinson et al. (2018)

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illustrates various important person and contextual characteristics and typical (i.e., average or normative) age-related changes in the
characteristics. Importantly, labels such as “early adulthood” and corresponding age ranges are provided in the figure for descriptive
purposes only. While these life stage conventions are still often used in the literature, consistent with the lifespan perspective, it is
preferable to conceptualize and operationalize age as a continuous variable instead of splitting it into arbitrary age categories
(Bohlmann, Rudolph, & Zacher, 2018). The same applies to the common, yet problematic practice of grouping multiple birth years into
“generations” (Rudolph & Zacher, 2017). There are several theoretical (e.g., “fuzzy boundaries,” ecological fallacy), methodological
(e.g., reduced statistical power, confounding with age and period effects), and practical reasons (e.g., age-based discrimination,
generationalism) to avoid such categories (Rudolph, Rauvola, Costanza, & Zacher, 2020). Thus, we use labels such as “younger,”
“middle-aged,” and “older employees” in a relative and descriptive sense only, and we avoid using generational labels in this article.

2.2. Vocational theories based on life stage, lifespan, and life course perspectives

Table 1 presents an overview of the theoretical background and key assumptions of prominent vocational behavior and devel-
opment theories based on the life stage, lifespan, and life course perspectives. First, three early vocational theories based on the life
stage perspective include Levinson’s (1986) conception of adult development, Super’s (1980) life-span, life-space approach to career
development, and Cron’s (1984) career development framework. These frameworks have in common that they propose several
discrete, age-related, and more or less normative life and career stages with associated “developmental tasks” (Havighurst, 1948).

As careers became more flexible in the last two decades of the previous century, two new career theories were developed (see
Table 1). According to boundaryless career theory, individuals experience both physical boundaries (i.e., working for a specific
employer, in a specific field) and psychological boundaries (i.e., specific skills and abilities) that they need to cross to become mobile in
their careers (Arthur & Rousseau, 1996). Protean career theory states that career mobility is driven by individuals’ core values and self-
directedness rather than the organization (Hall & Moss, 1998). Although these two theories were not explicitly based on the lifespan
perspective, they are consistent with it, as they conceive career development as a continuous and modifiable process that is primarily
shaped by the decisions and actions of “career actors” rather than a linear career progression consistent with a life stage approach.

Three more recent vocational theories are consistent with, or even explicitly based on, both lifespan and life course perspectives
(see Table 1). First, while kaleidoscope career theory does not directly draw on these perspectives, it emphasizes both structure (i.e.,
multiple social roles and the relational nature of careers) and agency (i.e., actively rearranging roles and relationships in an attempt to
craft careers) in women’s careers (Mainiero & Sullivan, 2005). Second, Savickas et al.’s (2009) life design paradigm for career con-
struction emphasizes both the life-long nature (e.g., “Each life has become even more of an individual process, still influenced by
environmental factors yet constructed to a large extent by individuals;” p. 244) and the contextual nature of careers (e.g., “All roles and
environments relevant to the person should become part of the intervention that constructs career stories and builds lives;” p. 244).
Third, sustainable careers theory (Van der Heijden & De Vos, 2015) is explicitly based on the lifespan perspective. In particular, De Vos
et al. (2020) highlight the relevance of the selection, optimization, and compensation model as well as socioemotional selectivity
theory, because they “help us to understand the sustainability of careers especially from the perspective of changes that occur during
the life-span based on evolving motivations and attitudes” (p. 7). In addition, consistent with the life course perspective, their model of
sustainable careers includes both person (i.e., agency, proactivity, adaptability, meaning) and context factors (i.e., work group, or-
ganization, occupational sector, institutional context, nation, private life; De Vos et al., 2020).

Finally, two vocational theories are explicitly based on the life course perspective (see Table 1). First, similar to the boundaryless
and the protean career concepts, frayed careers theory criticizes the normative linearity and upward direction of earlier career theories
(Sabelis & Schilling, 2013). However, rather than emphasizing individual agency, proactivity, values, and self-directedness, frayed
careers theory focuses on the importance of the context, including social roles (e.g., gender, age, socioeconomic class), relationships,
and rhythmic patterns (i.e., “the reiteration of similarities over time;” Sabelis & Schilling, 2013, p. 131) in the representation and
construction of careers. Second, the theory of flexible careers across the life course adopts a multilevel approach to careers, including
the broader institutional environment, organizational policies and practices, as well as individual career decisions across various life
course transitions (e.g., school-to-work; work-to-retirement; Moen & Sweet, 2004; Tomlinson et al., 2018).

2.3. Integrative theoretical framework

Based on our review of the life stage, lifespan, and life course perspectives, associated vocational theories (Table 1), as well as age-
related person and contextual changes (Fig. 1), we derived a theoretical framework to integrate research on the role of age for
vocational behavior and development (see Fig. 2). In short, this framework suggests that age is related to work and career outcomes
(path labeled with “(a)”) through person and contextual characteristics (paths “(b1)”). Work and career outcomes can also, in turn,
affect person and contextual characteristics (paths “(b2)”). Finally, the framework proposes several moderation effects (paths “(c1-
c3)”).

Consistent with the lifespan perspective, which superseded the life stage approach, the framework focuses on age as a continuous
variable (Bohlmann et al., 2018; Schwall, 2012). We broadly classify important work and career outcomes into five categories: career
decisions and success (e.g., job changes, salary), job search and turnover, work motivation and behavior (e.g., job performance), work
and career attitudes (e.g., satisfaction), as well as occupational health and well-being (e.g., vigor, emotional exhaustion; see Zacher,
2015). In Fig. 2, simple bivariate associations between age and these outcomes are labeled with “(a).” These associations reflect age-
related differences or changes in work and career outcomes across the lifespan or life course.

The framework further suggests that age is associated with both person and contextual characteristics (Fig. 1) which, in turn, may

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6

jointly impact work and career outcomes (paths labeled with “(b1)” in Fig. 2). Consistent with the lifespan perspective, individuals may
experience growth, decline, and stability in different person characteristics with increasing age. For example, as people get older, they
tend to become more conscientious (Roberts, Walton, & Viechtbauer, 2006), which should have positive effects on job performance
and organizational commitment. Moreover, both lifespan and life course perspectives suggest that, as people age, they select them-
selves into and are selected into different developmental contexts (see also Ford & Lerner, 1992; Lerner & Busch-Rossnagel, 1981). For
instance, older employees are more likely than younger employees to face age discrimination on the job (Posthuma & Campion, 2009),
which could have detrimental consequences for their work motivation and well-being.

The interplay between age-related person and contextual characteristics could lead to strengthened or compensatory effect

Sociology homework help

RECONSTRUCTION AFTER COVID:
While the rich nations focus on booster jabs and returning to the office, much
of the world is facing devastating second-order coronavirus effects. Now is the
time to build a fairer, more responsible international system for the future.

A TALE OF TWO PANDEMICS:
THE TRUE COST OF COVID IN THE GLOBAL SOUTH

by Kwame Anthony Appiah
(https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/nov/23/a-tale-of-two-pandemics-the-true-
cost-of-COVID-in-the-global-south)
23 Nov 2021

For the past year and a half, people everywhere have been in the grip of a
pandemic – but not necessarily the same one. In the affluent world, a viral
respiratory disease, COVID-19, suddenly became a leading cause of death. In
much of the developing world, by contrast, the main engine of destruction
wasn’t this new disease, but its second-order effects: measures they took, and
we took, in response to the coronavirus. Richer nations and poorer nations
differ in their vulnerabilities.

Whenever I talk with members of my family in Ghana, Nigeria and Namibia,
I’m reminded that a global event can also be a profoundly local one. Lives and
livelihoods have been affected in these places very differently from the way
they have in Europe or the US. That’s true in the economic and educational
realm, but it’s true, too, in the realm of public health. And across all these
realms, the stakes are often life or death.

The three countries I mentioned have a median age between 18 and 22 years,
and the severity of COVID-19 discriminates sharply by age. A big way that
COVID can kill is by hampering the management of other diseases, such as
HIV, malaria and TB. In Africa alone, 26 million people are living with HIV
and, in a typical year, several hundreds of thousands die of it, while malaria,
which is especially deadly to infants and toddlers, claims almost 400,000
lives.

Those are big numbers, and yet they used to be much bigger – a major
healthcare effort brought them down. Amid the pandemic, though, people
stopped visiting clinics, in part because it became harder to get to them, and
healthcare workers had to curtail their own movements. According to a Global
Fund survey of 32 countries in Africa and Asia, prenatal care visits dropped by

two-thirds between April and September 2020; consultations for children
under five dropped by three-quarters.

Public-health experts predict that, as an indirect consequence of the COVID
pandemic, twice as many people around the world could be at risk of dying
from malaria. There could be 400,000 extra deaths from TB in the next few
years, and half a million extra deaths from HIV. Across much of the world, in
short, the response to the coronavirus has ushered in a shadow pandemic. The
coronavirus’s real death toll, then, has to be calculated not just in deaths from
COVID, but also in deaths that would otherwise have been prevented, from
malaria, TB, HIV, diabetes and more.

This shadow pandemic isn’t simply a story about disease – it’s about poverty,
hunger, truncated education and stunted lives. A suggestive comparison can
be made with the climate crisis. In the affluent world, some people think of
climate breakdown as a matter of how long the air conditioning stays on, but
for many in the developing world, it’s already a matter of floods, droughts and
famine.

These disparities between the global north and south are likely to be a feature
of crises to come. The tale of two pandemics, then, is a tale of two
international orders. The post-pandemic challenge, in turn, is to take seriously
the rhetoric of an “international community” and integrate the two into one.

The economies of rich nations have, of course, been buffeted by the pandemic
as well. But these nations have been able to spend enormous sums toward
relieving the financial distress that has resulted from lockdowns and social-
distancing protocols. Lower-income nations don’t have those resources.
Borrowing money is costly for them, and their tax base in the formal economy
is a shallow, narrow plinth. Country by country and village by village, there’s
little to cushion the blow. Not long ago, a team of researchers studied living
standards during the pandemic via household surveys across nine developing
countries in Africa, Latin America and Asia. They found that the direct health
impact of COVID in these relatively youthful countries was less than in richer
(and, invariably, older) countries, but that economic vulnerability was
decidedly greater. Households typically reported a drop in income – people
lost jobs or had a harder time selling their goods. Half of the rural households
in Kenya they surveyed had to skip meals or shrink them; in Sierra Leone, that
number was nearly 90%.

When the pandemic came to India, meanwhile, 140 million migrant
workers found themselves effectively stranded or simply shipped back to their

home villages, plunging their dependents into dire circumstances. “For those
who were living from hand to mouth to start with,” the eminent India-based
economist Jean Drèze observed as it was happening, “lockdown is almost a
death sentence.”

The number of people in extreme poverty around the world has risen for the
first time since 1997, and analysts don’t expect a quick toggle back once the
health crisis subsides. Africa was on track to see economic growth of 3.2% in
2020; now that’s estimated to have been 0.8%. When you’ve got a population
growth rate of about 2.5%, that means less food on the table for many, and
outright malnutrition for some. In rich countries, COVID’s medical
consequences killed elderly people. In developing countries, COVID’s
economic consequences killed the poor.

Taleni Ngoshi, a softly spoken 32-year-old businesswoman in Namibia,
described the situation to me precisely: “The gap between the rich and the
poor here is quite huge. The line between the middle class and the poor is very
thin.” Her people are Ovambo, from northern Namibia, where she was born in
a town without electricity, eventually got work in a nursery, and found she had
a green thumb. Down in Windhoek, the nation’s capital, she started a small
business helping people with their gardens. Stories like hers help to explain
why, a dozen years ago, the World Bank reclassified Namibia: it went from
being a lower-middle-income country to an upper-middle-income one.

Migrant workers outside Delhi in April attempt to return to their villages
following a government-ordered lockdown. Photograph: Adnan Abidi/Reuters

With the pandemic, though, business came to a standstill: most of Ngoshi’s
regular clients cancelled their contracts, fearful of any visitors. When she looks
around, she sees people losing their houses and cars along with their jobs. Her

husband’s small government salary at least puts food on her table. So mainly
she worries about the three people who work for her part-time – and the six or
seven people who depend on each of them.

The story is different from place to place, and also the same. The low-income
nation of Mozambique, which has been identified as the African country most
vulnerable to climate change (extreme weather events cost it billions in 2019),
found its economy contracting in response to the pandemic, with depressed
markets for its commodities and, of course, for tourism. In the lower-middle-
income nation of Kenya, where, in 2020, GDP shrank for the first time in
almost 30 years, millions of families, living close to subsistence, were
squeezed hard. Women there have been especially stricken, in part because
they’re heavily involved in retail, hospitality and tourism. (Global tourism
losses have been estimated at $8tn.)

To get a proper sense of how the pandemic roiled a country like Kenya,
though, bear in mind that one of Kenya’s biggest exports is cut flowers – lilies,
carnations, baby’s breath and roses. In fact, Kenya has, in recent years,
emerged as the main exporter of rose stems to the EU, supplying almost 40%
of the market. Floriculture employs perhaps 2 million Kenyans, directly and
indirectly. Dozens of large flower farms can be found around Lake Naivasha,
an hour’s drive north-west of Nairobi, and about 1,800 metres above sea level.
It’s sunny there, and well supplied with water for irrigation. Despite transport
requirements, the carbon footprint per stem was a fraction of that for flowers
grown in heated Dutch greenhouses.

Over the past year and a half, as you might guess, those sales wilted. Social
distancing meant fewer functions – wedding, funerals, celebrations of all
kinds – and fewer functions meant fewer flowers. Millions of rose stems were
dumped into pits as flower farms found most of their orders cancelled.
Workers were furloughed or saw wages reduced. Once the pandemic settled in,
those sales disappeared.

In West Africa – in Ghana and Ivory Coast, in particular – the big story wasn’t
about roses; it was about chocolate. Cocoa trees are picky about temperature,
humidity and soil, and large swaths of these west African countries hit their
sweet spot. Together, the two countries account for about two-thirds of the
global cocoa supply. It’s Ivory Coast’s biggest export. In Ghana, gold and oil
exports are greater in monetary value, but they don’t matter as much to the
country, because they don’t employ as many people and they don’t generate as
much public revenue. Economists have estimated that as much as a third of
Ghana’s workforce depends on cocoa, directly and indirectly.

During the pandemic, though, chocolate consumption declined. Not mine, and
maybe not yours. But it turns out that a lot of chocolate is bought at retail
shops and vending machines. They’re gifts or impulse buys: the pre-ribboned
box you pick up at the airport, the KitKat bar that pleads for release from its
plexiglass prison. Then there’s all the chocolate bought for gatherings at
Christmas, Easter, Halloween – or, more to the point, all the
chocolate not bought when those festivities don’t take place.

A girl is given an anti-malaria injection in Ziniare
north-east of Burkina Faso’s capital, Ouagadougou. Photograph:
Olympia de Maismont/AFP/Getty Images

Both countries had big plans for 2020. Ghana and Ivory Coast have state-run
boards in charge of buying and selling the cocoa harvest and had jointly
agreed to impose a new surcharge on cocoa exports, amounting to $400 per
tonne. It was dubbed a “living income differential” and was meant to benefit
the farmers. Chocolate is a $130bn-a-year industry, but only a few percentage
points go to the millions of west African smallholders who do the cocoa
cropping. And they have a tough time of it: on average, each cultivates about
3.5 hectares, while trying to support half a dozen or more family members. It’s
hard work. The trees are susceptible to sun scald, and those beans arrive
inside pods a little smaller than rugby balls. They take months to mature –
during which time they can be afflicted by various pests and pathogens, like
“black pod” rot. Just in the past half-decade, the swollen-shoot virus has
forced the destruction of hundreds of thousands of hectares of cocoa trees.

Many cocoa farmers barely eke out a living; a 2018 UNICEF report calculated
that the average west African cocoa farmer made between $0.50 and $1.25 a
day. (When my father was a member of Ghana’s parliament, in the 1960s, he
had a lot to say about cocoa farmers getting shafted by the government board

that set their prices.) In fact, the growers now tend to be middle-aged, because
their kids see how bad they have it, and find other ways of making a living.
When the new “living income differential” programme was announced in
2019, growers increased their output, hoping for a sweeter deal.

Instead, they found themselves stuck with beans they didn’t have the capacity
to store. As COVID shrank the chocolate market, buyers in the west asked for
their deliveries to be suspended. Local middlemen, known as pisteurs,
demanded deep discounts to take the bean off the growers’ hands.

Wilting flowers, moldering cocoa – when you hear stories about how poorly
served the global south has often been by the systems of international trade,
it’s not surprising that some people have been tempted to urge withdrawal
from those systems. Among certain African and Asian scholars, there’s been a
revival of interest in arguments from the late great Samir Amin in favour of
“déconnexion” – unplugging from an unjust order in which development and
underdevelopment were just two sides of a coin.

Amin, an Egyptian economist who spent much of his career in Senegal, urged
that development be “national and popular”, and directed toward greater
autonomy, or what he termed a strategy of self-reliance. Real political
independence called for economic independence, in his view. Although he
denied that his plans amounted to “autarky” – the aim of total self-sufficiency
– he insisted that a nation’s “external relations” submit to the requirements of
internal development: autarky-lite, then.

Alas, there is little encouragement to be found in those postcolonial African
regimes, such as Guinea under Sékou Touré, that attempted something like
this. In fact, the story of rising global interdependence is also one of rising
equality among the nations. Over the past two decades, more than 30
countries have moved from the lower-income category to the middle-income
category, to go by the official World Bank designations. Certainly, the 21st
century saw enormous advances in the country of my childhood. GDP per
capita in Ghana rose fivefold between 2002 and 2016. In recent years, most of
the world’s fastest-growing economies were in Africa. And many of the
pandemic-linked economic shocks are short-term ones: the market for flowers
and chocolate – and timber and bauxite – is rebounding.

All the same, there are morals to be drawn from the vulnerability of the global
south amid the pandemic. One is that self-directed programmes of national
development don’t work when they simply ignore market realities or leave
internal impediment unaddressed. Here, Ghana’s cocoa conundrum is an

illustrative instance. In February 2020, Ghana’s president, Nana Akufo-Addo,
travelled to Switzerland and announced that his country wouldn’t be
dependent on the export of raw materials. Instead, it would get into the
business of manufacturing chocolate and ascend the manufacturing chains,
soaring high like Ghana’s animal mascot, the tawny eagle.

A couple of generations earlier, Ghana’s leaders were intent on building up a
steel industry: that’s what they thought modernisation looked like. Akufo-
Addo has pinned his hopes on bars of a different sort. Why shouldn’t Ghana
have vast Toblerone-type factories, with temperature-controlled vats and
conveyor belts and wrapping machines? True, the country lacks a dairy
industry, and has a rather paltry sugar sector, but it has no shortage of cocoa
beans.

A volunteer in Johannesburg directs two men towards a medical tent where they
will be tested for COVID as well as HIV and TB. Photograph: Jérôme Delay/AP

Yet Ghana, like most developing nations, has been trammelled by conflicting
demands and interests. A fascinating recent paper by a Soas economist and an
Accra-based cocoa analyst lays this out. Because Ghana’s central bank needs
US dollars – foreign-exchange reserves – the state cocoa boards must sell the
commodity to multinational companies. In the meantime, the country
is stifling local production by imposing a 60% tax on domestic sales of
chocolate and “semi-finished” cocoa products. Special tax exemptions are
reserved for firms that export most of their production, hindering those that
would first build skills and capacities by developing local markets. All these
statutory legacies run contrary to Akufo-Addo’s hopes of ascending the
manufacturing chain. If Ghana’s cocoa policy had a mascot, it wouldn’t be the
tawny eagle; it would be the pushmi-pullyu.

There are other impediments. A patchwork-quilt land-ownership system
makes it hard for smallholders to gain title to their farms. (In Ghana, where so
much terrain is in the hands of the traditional chiefs, land reform is a huge,
and hugely complicated, issue.) And west African cocoa yields have scarcely
improved in the past century. There are now programmes that promote more
sophisticated and sustainable cocoa-growing methods – including “smart
irrigation” – but they’ve had a late start.

These quandaries are typical of developing nations. Countries throughout
Africa and Latin America have economies organised around the export of
fairly raw commodities from fishing, farming or mining. Most go through
minimal processing before being sold on – the “value add” is meagre. You see
a lot of subsistence entrepreneurship, and a lot of vulnerability associated with
informal labour and low savings rates. Meanwhile, the climate crisis makes
everything worse. When you farm inefficiently, you need more land, which
worsens deforestation, which worsens climate change, which worsens your
farming efficiency. (West Africa’s seasonal Harmattan winds – hot, dry and
dusty – have been growing more expansive over the past couple of decades.)
In truth, the turbulences of climate change are akin to those of COVID in slow
motion. The price is paid by those least able to afford it.

In the shadow pandemic of the global south, the most lasting consequences
could relate to schooling and skills – to what economists call human capital.
School closings have obviously been a big problem everywhere. Around the
planet, schooling has been interrupted for 1.6 billion students. Yet classrooms
in Africa have been shut longer than the global average – and this is a
continent where the median age is under 20. (In South America, it’s 31.) Low-
income countries, World Bank researchers say, “could lose more than three
full years of their investment in basic education”, exacting a commensurate
loss in future labour earnings.

For many families, the problem isn’t access to the internet – it’s access to
electricity. Between April and August of last year, a team from Human Rights
Watch conducted interviews with people across Africa and found plenty of
children receiving no instruction at all. Even when a school had managed to
put its lessons online and a parent had a smartphone, the parent might not
have a sufficiently generous data plan to make use of them. A teenager in
Garissa, Kenya, told the HRW team that lessons were offered on a local radio
station, “but I never tuned in because we don’t have a radio”.

When classrooms close, researchers say, female students are hit especially
hard: they’re at an elevated risk of child marriage, early pregnancy, domestic

abuse and child-labour exploitation. For all these reasons – along with the
simple fact that girls are regularly asked to take on child-rearing duties and
household chores – UNESCO researchers fear that 11 million girls around the
world may never return to school. Think of it as another way of being a COVID
“long-hauler”.

That gender disparity is worrisome for a variety of reasons. It has been
estimated that women’s wages go up by 11.5% for each additional year of
schooling, a couple of percentage points more than for men. As the notably
unsentimental economist Lawrence Summers once observed, “investment in
the education of girls may well be the highest-return investment available in
the developing world”. When women are more highly educated, they have
fewer children but invest more in each child; their children are healthier and,
in turn, better educated. Civic participation is higher among educated women,
too, and, as the Nobel prize-winning academic Amartya Sen has suggested,
expanding female education may help reduce gender inequality within
families.

For men and women alike, all these things matter to a society’s prospects of
freedom and wellbeing. When development experts say that the pandemic-
linked interruptions to education threaten to push 72 million students into
“learning poverty”, then the consequences aren’t simply financial. This
represents an immense squandering of human potential.

“COVID is the tide that went out and exposed our nakedness,” a well-known
Lagos-based business consultant, Sanyade Okoli, told me. “It revealed all the
weaknesses in our health system, educational system, governance structures
etc.” Those regional weaknesses can be seen in the spreadsheets; they can also
be seen in the streets. A woman with a communications firm in Windhoek
offered me a very specific view of the situation: “Ten people a day are at my
doorstep asking for food or for work.”

According to World Bank economists, more than 80% of the 120 million
people whom COVID ushered into extreme poverty – defined as having
earnings equivalent to $1.90 a day or less – are from middle-income countries,
a capacious category that encompasses India, Indonesia, much of west Africa
and much of Latin America.

That shouldn’t be a surprise. People who live in middle-income countries are
peculiarly vulnerable to global contractions; they buy from you and they sell to
you. They’re thoroughly enmeshed in a globalised economy. That enmeshment

has allowed for some marvellous advances, but lately it feels as if they’re trying
to climb an escalator moving down.

The solution is not to get off or stay home. Even if all you want to do is
cultivate your own garden, you’re hardly independent from others when it
comes to your seeds, your fertiliser, and – as we’ve all learned – your weather.
The way to rebuild a post-COVID world is not to withdraw from
internationalism, but to strengthen it.

A worker gathers roses in Eldama Ravine Kenya.Photograph: Aldo Pavan/Getty
Images

Catastrophes are fractal. They have to be understood – and addressed – in
macro and in micro ways. When affluent nations in Europe and North
America shut down in order to slow the pandemic, their governments offered
their citizens targeted relief. (A comparable programme in Nigeria was
scantily funded and – Nigerians I spoke to maintained – opaque to the point
that it largely benefited government cronies.) In the US, Paycheck Protection
Program loans were made to distressed business, which would not need to be
repaid if certain conditions were met. In the UK, Bounce Back Loans and the
like allowed financing on easy terms. These programmes – an ad-hoc method
of social insurance – were imperfect, but they helped a great deal.

Something like this approach is needed on an international scale. The affluent
world, in the aggregate, gains enormously from globalisation. We cherish our
chocolate and roses, not to mention the aluminium, lithium, tantalum, yttrium
and neodymium on which our mobile phones depend. In many respects, it’s a
common enterprise – a system of cooperation – from which we all benefit.
Yet, as we all know, its yields are greater for some than for others. If the
trading partners of the rich nations lose faith in the system, they might be

tempted to give up on it. That would be costly to them, but it would be costly
to those rich nations, too.

That’s why the system is sustainable only if it involves a sense of shared
responsibility. When things go wrong, we who benefit from the system have a
duty to do internationally what we do at home: help the vulnerable weather
the storm. When public-health measures to “flatten the curve” in rich
countries can push people elsewhere on the planet into penury, it’s our
problem, too. An integrated global system is imperilled when risk is shifted to
those most vulnerable.

Our international responsibilities in the age of COVID have often been
discussed in absurdly narrow ways – as if we just needed to ship more
vaccines to the under-vaccinated populations. Yes, programmes such
as COVAX, the international vaccine distributor, need to be better supplied,
but all the vaccines in the world won’t remedy the moral and practical perils of
inequality. In richer nations, economic turbulence puts more people on the
dole. In poorer ones, it puts more people in the grave. If the gains in
alleviating global poverty over the past generation were heartening, they have
also proved perishable. Okoli, in Nigeria, recalled that, early in the pandemic,
people with means took care to feed those in need. “There was a sense,” she
added mordantly, “that if we don’t feed them, they’ll eat us.”

The COVID pandemic is, in the words of the eminent economic historian
Adam Tooze, “the first truly comprehensive crisis of the Anthropocene era.” In
his view, it has put paid to the notion that globalisation will move the whole
world toward greater economic and social equality – what he calls the
“millennial vision.” The question is what will replace it.

To come to grips with global inequality on a post-pandemic planet, we’ll need
more sensitive measures of fragility. No simple jab will resolve the
vulnerabilities and inequities that arise from our global interdependence. Still,
people in the public and private sectors will do well to think hard about a
range of issues: ways of restructuring, forgiving or otherwise mitigating debt
burdens when indebted governments have put the money to good use; ways of
promulgating smarter and more sustainable agriculture (and other forms of
resource exploitation); ways of encouraging better governance at regional and
national levels; ways of building and maintaining supple and inclusive global
institutions.

And, of course, ways of targeting assistance to do the most good. When, earlier
this year, the UK decided to cut foreign aid by $4bn, it was signalling a retreat

at a time when history is calling for an advance. The most thoughtful critics of
foreign aid make an important point: we want governments that are
principally accountable to their people, not to foreign donors and lenders. But
the right kind of assistance (including the COVID-related financing and debt-
service suspension organised by World Bank Group over the past 18 months)
needn’t have this distorting effect on governance. And the expansion of human
capabilities is never a money hole.

As the climate crisis was telling us long before COVID blared the message,
what happens in one place can have repercussions in many places. That’s why
the pandemic must be understood not as an anvil-from-the-sky medical crisis,
but as something far more encompassing. “Science is the exit strategy,” the
head of the Wellcome Trust famously said, early in the pandemic. But though
science is necessary, it’s hardly sufficient, particularly when we’re interested
not simply in exit but in re-entry. As raucous, inward-turned nationalisms
continue to claim followers, we’ll need to resist the go-it-alone fantasies of
autarky. Rather, a post-pandemic era calls for a richer sense of our mutual
obligations.

I think of what Taleni Ngoshi, in Namibia, told me about how she was affected
by those whose livelihoods depend on hers. “There are days when you wake up
in bed and you think to yourself, ‘I’m tired of this,’” she said. “And one minute
later you think, ‘I have to do something. If I stay in bed and wallow in misery,
what will the others eat tomorrow?’”

They depend on her, just as, ultimately, she depends on them. Around these
small, local circles of reciprocal caring, we need to build larger, global ones.
Resilience shouldn’t be reserved for the rich. An international conjuncture
that’s fairer and more secure requires that we keep track of systemic risks
conceived in the broadest possible way. And trade without responsibility is
itself an unaffordable risk – as tempting as a box of chocolates, as perishable
as a cut flower.

Sociology homework help

© The Author 2013. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. All rights reserved. For permissions,
please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com.

Social Forces 91(4) 1363–1397, June 2013
doi: 10.1093/sf/sot049

Advance Access publication on 3 May 2013

We are indebted to Jeff Dixon, Gilbert Gee, Fang Gong, Carolyn Kapinus, Josh Klugman, Hiroshi
Ono, Lisa Pellerin, Brian Powell, Quincy Stewart, David Takeuchi, and Wenquan Zhang for provid-
ing useful comments.
An early version of this paper was presented at the 2009 American Sociological Association Annual
Meeting in San Francisco and won the most creative methodology award at the Diversity Research
Symposium hosted by Ball State University.
This work was partly supported by the Fisher Research Fellowship and an ad hoc grant awarded by
Ball State University to the first author; all rights reserved and the usual disclaimers apply.

Asian Americans, Race Relations, Triangulation

The Marginalized “Model” Minority: An Empirical
Examination of the Racial Triangulation
of Asian Americans

Jun Xu, Ball State University
Jennifer C. Lee, Indiana University

In this article, we propose a shift in race research from a one-dimensional hierarchi-cal approach to a multidimensional system of racial stratification. Building upon Claire Kim’s (1999) racial triangulation theory, we examine how the American public
rates Asians relative to blacks and whites along two dimensions of racial stratifica-
tion: racial valorization and civic acceptance/ostracism. Using selected years from the
General Social Survey, our analyses provide support for the multidimensional racial
triangulation perspective as opposed to a singular hierarchical approach, although
findings do not match all predictions by the racial triangulation thesis. Our results also
suggest that on average whites are more likely than blacks to have more favorable
views of the relative positions of Asians, particularly for family commitment, nonvio-
lence and wealth, but blacks are more likely to assume racially egalitarian views than
do whites.

Introduction
Asian Americans comprise one of the fastest-growing groups in the United States
(Xie and Goyette 2004; Humes, Jones and Ramirez 2011). Census data show
that the Asian1 population in the United States increased by 48 percent between
1990 and 2000 (from 6,908,638 to 10,242,998) and by 43 percent between
2000 and 2010 (14,674,252 in 2010), and it is projected to reach 41 million by
2050 (Passel and Cohn 2008). Beyond numerical growth, Asian American rep-
resentation in such domains as education, politics and the media has increased

Asian Americans, Race Relations, Triangulation 1363

dramatically. Given major social and demographic changes in both Asian and
Hispanic populations, scholars have begun to move beyond the black-white
binary discourse that is dominant in theories of racial stratification (C. Kim
1999; Forman, Goar and Lewis 2002; Gold 2004).

Some research speculates about which side of the “color line” Asian Americans
fall (i.e., closer to blacks or whites); other research emphasizes the distinct racial-
ized experiences of Asians and other racial/ethnic minorities (Omi and Winant
1994). However, C. Kim (1999) argues that neither perspective is quite adequate.
She suggests that Asians do not fall on one side of a color line or another (nor
do they fall somewhere in between blacks and whites); at the same time, the
racialization of Asian Americans is not insulated from the experiences of, and
interactions between, multiple racial groups. Instead, C. Kim’s racial triangula-
tion theory proposes that Asian Americans are “triangulated” within a “field” of
race relations based on their position relative to blacks and whites on two differ-
ent dimensions (racial valorization and civic ostracism). This results in a racial
position distinct from other groups. Specifically, the American public simultane-
ously lauds Asians as the “model minority” and marginalizes them as “outsid-
ers.” This contradictory racial complex is largely attributable to the relatively
high socioeconomic status that Asian Americans have seemingly achieved and the
“perpetual foreigner” image that still haunts them.

Although some scholars have advocated for the use of multidimensional theo-
ries of race relations like C. Kim’s racial triangulation perspective (e.g., Gold
2004; Song 2004; Ng, Lee and Pak 2007; N. Kim 2009), there has been rela-
tively little research devoted to a systematic assessment of its applicability to
racial attitudes toward Asian Americans. In this article we assess the racial tri-
angulation thesis by using data from the General Social Survey (GSS) to examine
attitudes toward Asians in relation to blacks and whites along two different
dimensions. We also extend the racial triangulation approach by examining
black-white differences in the perceptions of the relative positions of Asians. In
doing so, we aim to advance race research by moving from a one-dimensional
color-line approach to a multidimensional field of race relations.

Background
Theories of Racial Stratification
Theories of racial stratification have traditionally utilized a black-white orienta-
tion, which sees the racialization of other racial/ethnic minorities as following
a process similar to that of blacks, or views the black-white dichotomy as being
the most important (Okihiro 1994; Wu 2003). Doing so, however, has received
much criticism because it renders the experiences of and racism against other
racial minorities irrelevant (Okihiro 1994; Perea 1998; Gold 2004; Song 2004;
Kao 2006).

With the increase in the Asian American and Hispanic populations, there has
been a major call to move “beyond black and white.” Scholars have begun to
examine where racial groups fall relative to one another on a racial hierarchy,

1364 Social Forces 91(4)

with blacks at the bottom and whites on the top (Okihiro 1994; Lee and Bean
2010). This approach has led to the debate over whether a color line exists, and
whether it reveals a white/nonwhite divide or a black/nonblack divide. Some
propose the existence of a white/nonwhite divide, suggesting that the boundar-
ies between whites and nonwhites as more important than differences among
nonwhite groups (Skrentny 2001; Hollinger 2005). From this perspective, Asian
Americans are more closely aligned with blacks. Others suggest the emergence
of a black/nonblack divide, indicated by the continuing separation from blacks
not only on the part of whites but also of other nonwhite racial groups (Lopez
1996), and the higher rates of intermarriage with whites among Asians and
Hispanics (Yancey 2003; Qian and Lichter 2007; Lee and Bean 2010).

Critics of the white/nonwhite perspective argue that this approach fails to
differentiate experiences among nonwhites (N. Kim 2007). The same can be
argued about the black/nonblack approach, which does not distinguish between
the experiences of whites and other nonblacks. To move beyond a biracial para-
digm, Bonilla-Silva (2004, 2010) advances a triracial stratification system, in
which there are three loosely organized strata, including “whites” (whites and
assimilated white Hispanics), “honorary whites” (East Asian groups and light-
skinned Hispanics) and “collective blacks” (blacks, dark-skinned Hispanics,
and disadvantaged Southeast Asian groups). From this viewpoint, most Asian
Americans tend to fall in between whites and blacks.

Although the color line(s) research has contributed to a better understanding
of racial stratification, it is argued that this hierarchical approach does not ade-
quately illustrate the racialization of Asian Americans (C. Kim 1999; Alcoff 2003;
Gold 2004; Song 2004). The color line(s) approach inherently assumes that racial
stratification occurs along a single dimension of “superiority” and “inferiority,”
thus homogenizing the racialization processes among all racial/ ethnic minorities
(C. Kim 2004). Another approach is Omi and Winant’s (1994:1) racial forma-
tion theory, which sees the experiences of Native Americans, blacks, Mexicans
and Asians in the United States as following distinct trajectories, characterized by
“genocide, slavery, colonization, and exclusion,” respectively. These experiences
largely dominate American race relations. The idea of distinct racial trajectories is
valuable because it underscores various types of race relations based on unique his-
torical experiences, and it emancipates the discussions of the racialization of Asian
Americans from a traditional black/white framework. However, while racialization
is dependent upon the historical context under which it occurs, C. Kim argues that
groups are not racialized in vacuum without reference to one another.

The Racial Triangulation of Asian Americans
To address these limitations, C. Kim (1999) proposes a theory of racial trian-
gulation, which combines essentials from racial formation theory and the racial
hierarchy/color line(s) approach. Racial triangulation theory argues that Asians
occupy different group positions relative to blacks and whites along multiple
dimensions, which results in a unique racialized experience of Asian Americans.
Specifically, Asian Americans have been “triangulated vis-à-vis whites and blacks

Asian Americans, Race Relations, Triangulation 1365

in a ‘field of racial positions’” (C. Kim 1999:106). This field is comprised of two
dimensions: the “superior/inferior” axis refers to the process of racial valoriza-
tion, by which groups are ranked hierarchically based on cultural and/or racial
grounds; the “insider/foreigner” axis refers to the process of civic ostracism or
to what extent a group is considered to be unassimilable as opposed to being
considered “insiders” (see Figure 1) .

Making a useful departure from previous theoretical orientations, racial tri-
angulation theory suggests that racial stratification is multidimensional and that
a racial group can be rated high on one dimension and low another. Because of
ingrained racial stereotypes, average Americans evaluate Asians as “inferior”
to whites and “superior” to blacks on certain racial or cultural grounds such
as work ethic or family commitment, but they also rate Asians relatively low in
terms of civic acceptance. This can be seen with the persistence of the “model
minority” and “perpetual foreigner” images, both of which set Asian Americans
apart from other Americans (Min 1996; Tuan 1998; C. Kim 1999; Zhou 2004;
N. Kim 2007). It is this process of simultaneous valorization and civic ostracism
of Asians, along with the racial subordination of blacks, that maintains systems
of white privilege (C. Kim 1999).

Figure 1. The Field of Racial Positions in Racial Triangulation (reproduced from C. Kim 1999:108)

SUPERIOR

INFERIOR

FOREIGNER INSIDER

Whites

Asian Americans

Blacks

= Civic Ostracism

= Relative Valorization

Source: Claire Kim, Politics & Society 27(1):105-38, copyright 1999 by Sage Publications;
reprinted by permission of Sage Publications.

1366 Social Forces 91(4)

Asian Americans as the Model Minority and Perpetual Foreigner
Asian Americans have long been portrayed as the model minority since William
Petersen’s 1966 New York Times Magazine article, “Success Story: Japanese
American Style,” and a myriad of subsequent studies of Asian socioeconomic
attainment that crystallize this image (e.g., Waters and Eschbach 1995; Xie and
Goyette 2004; Zeng and Xie 2004). Recent research, however, has been critical of
such “acclaims” of Asian Americans as the model minority, contending that the
socioeconomic success of Asian Americans has been exaggerated. For “substan-
tive” measures of success, including median individual income (DeNavas-Walt,
Proctor, and Mills 2004; N. Kim 2007), wage returns to education (Hirschman
and Wong 1984; Xie and Goyette 2004; Zeng and Xie 2004) and representa-
tion at the managerial level (Hirschman and Wong 1984; Woo 2000), Asians
actually fare worse than whites. The model minority image also conceals the
fact that the poverty rate among Asian Americans (12.3%) is higher than that
of whites (Sakamoto, Goyette, and Kim 2009). Additionally, the success stories
of selected Asian groups are often not a result of individual efforts rewarded by
a fair system, but rather a “success” of the American immigration policies that
have targeted highly skilled professionals since the 1960s (Mallick 2010).

The model minority image also obscures the racial subordination of Asian
Americans (C. Kim 1999; N. Kim 2007). Despite the group’s perceived socio-
economic success, the typical Asian is also often viewed as an outsider or a
perpetual foreigner (Okihiro 1994; Ancheta 1998; C. Kim 1999; N. Kim 2007)
who “clings to the culture of his own group” (Siu 1952:34). Studies in history
(Okihiro 1994), sociology (Danico and Ng 2004; Tuan 1998) and psychology
(Devos and Banaji 2005; Devos and Heng 2009) have provided strong evidence
that almost all segments of the Asian American population, including first and
later generations, youth and elderly, English and native-language only speakers
and across most ethnic groups, suffer from this stereotypical image.

Although research in Asian American studies has effectively juxtaposed such
contradictory images of Asian Americans as “model minorities” and “perpetual
foreigners,” and social psychologists have also constructed a similar two-dimen-
sional stereotype content model (Fiske, Xu and Cuddy 1999; Lin et al. 2005),
the racial triangulation perspective for the first time provides a dynamic (i.e., rel-
ative racial positioning) and systemic (i.e., a field of racial positions on multiple
dimensions) theoretical framework to essentialize the racialized experiences of
Asian Americans and race relations in the United States more generally.2 Despite
the important implications of racial triangulation theory for research on race
and ethnicity, there has been little quantitative examination of its specifications,
especially regarding perceptions of the relative positions of Asian Americans
along multiple dimensions.

Racial Differences in Attitudes Toward Asian Americans
Although racial triangulation theory provides an innovative approach to study-
ing attitudes about Asian Americans, it does not explicitly address potential vari-
ations in perceptions of Asian Americans. An important social cleavage in public

Asian Americans, Race Relations, Triangulation 1367

opinion is the black-white divide (Bobo 1998; Hunt 2007), which reflects more
than just differences between individuals in each group, but groups’ structural
locations (Blumer 1958). We would therefore expect to see differences between
blacks and whites in their attitudes toward Asians. The lack of discussion about
such variation in racial triangulation theory is problematic because although the
black-white binary is not powerful enough to fully delineate the mosaic of color
lines, race discourse is largely dependent upon black-white dynamics.

In this study, we extend the racial triangulation theory by examining differ-
ences between blacks and whites in their relative ratings of Asian Americans.
Little research has examined the relations among Asians, blacks and whites
(Jackson, Gerber, and Cain 1994), but we suggest three possibilities for race dif-
ferences in attitudes toward Asian Americans. One possibility is that blacks, on
average, view Asians more negatively than do whites. The model minority image
of Asians has been used to discount the disadvantages that the African American
community faces and to disregard their call for racial equality (Lee 1996; Zhou
2004). Blacks may respond to this with unfavorable views of Asians. Moreover,
scholarship on race has suggested that economic competition, cultural and reli-
gious differences, and the belief that Asians hold racial prejudices against blacks
could contribute to a high level of hostility toward Asians (Shankman 1978;
Cummings and Lambert 1997; Bonilla-Silva 2010). Because Asians were once
used as labor replacement for African slaves and still serve as the middleman
between blacks and whites (Bonacich 1973; Okihiro 1994), blacks may bear
negative feelings toward Asians, particularly in areas where blacks have been
denigrated and unfairly assessed historically.

A second possibility is that blacks view Asians more as allies than competi-
tors. They may empathize with Asian Americans’ experiences since both have
experienced racial discrimination and subjugation (Lee and Bean 2010; Tang
2011). African Americans have allied with Asian Americans to fight against
racial discrimination in the era of Asian Exclusion, the school desegregation
protest in California in the early 1900s, the labor union movement in the 1920s
and the Civil Rights Movement in the late 1960s (Okihiro 1994). Jackson,
Gerber, and Cain’s (1944) finding that blacks in Los Angeles hold favorable
attitudes towards Asian Americans despite increasing economic and residential
competition is suggestive of this possibility. Therefore, we might find that blacks
have more favorable ratings of Asians than do whites, especially regarding civic
acceptance.

A third possibility is that blacks’ attitudes toward Asians are similar to those
of whites (Cummings and Lambert 1997). First, the perpetual foreigner and
model minority myths are so pervasive that they influence general views of
Asians, regardless of race/ethnicity. Media portrayal of Asians is either so ste-
reotypical, or too vague to be memorable (Lee 1999; Ono and Pham 2008), that
blacks and whites may hold similar views. Second, Asian Americans usually
do not weigh into major sociopolitical battles (Lien, Conway, and Wong 2004;
Watson 2004; Kao 2006), and so blacks and whites may both perceive Asians as
“outsiders” (Sakamoto, Goyette and Kim 2007). Because of these factors, black-
white differences in attitudes towards Asians might be trivial.

1368 Social Forces 91(4)

Racial Triangulation of Hispanics
One could also imagine that Hispanics are also racially triangulated, given some
similarities to Asians Americans in their histories of assimilation in the United
States. Both groups were used as cheap labor, and continue to immigrate to the
United States in substantial proportions, seeking employment and competitive
wages. Because of this, both groups are often met with prejudice and discrimina-
tion arising from nativist sentiments among the American public (Alcoff 2003).
Therefore, the perpetual foreigner image could also be relevant to Hispanics,
as they are often perceived to be outsiders regardless of their immigrant sta-
tus (Alcoff 2003). In addition, there is some evidence that whites also valorize
Hispanics relative to blacks (Marrow 2009). On the other hand, Hispanics and
Asian Americans may be racialized differently from each other because of the
pervasiveness of the model minority stereotype of Asians in particular. Although
there may be broader processes at work that position both Asians and Hispanics
as outsiders in the field of racial positions, a unique valorization process for
Asians would substantiate C. Kim’s (1999) hypothesis.

There has been some research on the racial triangulation of Hispanics, includ-
ing Maldonado’s (2006) study of immigrant Hispanic, native-born Hispanic
and white workers and King’s (2010) study of Mexicans, Native Americans
and whites. However, these studies did not assess multiple dimensions of racial
stratification, nor did they make clear reference to blacks, a shaping force of
racialized politics in the United States. So, to examine whether Hispanics are tri-
angulated in ways similar to Asians, we conduct parallel analyses of Hispanics.
Although the focus of this paper is on the racialization of Asian Americans, the
examination of the relative position of Hispanics compared with whites and
blacks can help determine whether Asian Americans are racialized in distinct
ways or if the simultaneous valorization and ostracism applies to contemporary
immigrant groups more generally.

Data and Methods
This study uses data from selected years (1990, 1994, 2000, 2002, 2004, and
2006) of the GSS, which provide information on attitudes towards Asians (and
Hispanics in our supplemental analyses), blacks and whites. The GSS is a sample
of English-speaking adults living in households in the continental United States
and has tracked the opinions of Americans since 1972 (Davis and Smith 2009). It
is one of the best sources for attitudinal studies, including those on race relations.
Our samples consist of blacks and whites for whom there was no missing data
on the dependent variables of interest.3 Those who did not respond to or marked
“Don’t Know” for the racial attitude items were excluded from the analyses (rang-
ing from 1.8% to 12.8% of the cases depending on the item).4 Not all items were
asked in every year, nor were they always asked about all groups. So, in-sample
respondents are those who provided ratings of all three groups in the same survey
years. Our final sample sizes for the analyses of the racial triangulation of Asians
range from 1,122 to 3,609, and from 1,120 to 3,565 for that of Hispanics.

Asian Americans, Race Relations, Triangulation 1369

Beyond individual characteristics, socio-demographic characteristics of the
area in which an individual resides could also affect race relations and the
attitudes about the relative position of Asian Americans (Taylor 1998; Dixon
2006). Contextual variables (for details, see our discussion in the Independent
Variables section) are derived from Metropolitan Area and county-level data
based on the 1990 and 2000 Census 5 percent Public Use Microdata Sample.
We first identified the Metropolitan Area or county that corresponded to the
respondent’s Primary Sampling Unit (PSU), and then merged the GSS data with
the corresponding census data.5 We combined the 1990-1998 GSS surveys with
data from the 1990 Census, and we merged the 2000-2006 GSS data with infor-
mation from the 2000 Census.

Dependent Variables
Appendix table A1 lists the year(s) each question was asked, question wording
and coding schema for the variables used to construct our measures of racial
valorization and civic ostracism. Original responses were recoded so that a
higher value corresponds to a more favorable rating. We use respondents’ rat-
ings of each group’s family commitment, intelligence, nonviolence, wealth6 and
work ethic to assess the valorization of Asians relative to blacks and whites.
Because civic ostracism refers to the extent to which Asians are perceived to
be unassimilable, and thus excluded from being “insiders,” we use measures of
respondents’ acceptance of living in the same neighborhood with at least half of
the neighbors being from each racial group, and having a close family member
marrying a member of each group, as well as measures of respondents’ beliefs
about each group’s level of patriotism and their ratings of each group on the
feeling thermometer.7

We construct measures of relative position by comparing the ratings of the
same characteristics that respondents provided for Asians, blacks and whites. As
mentioned earlier, not all variables are available for all years, since respondents
were not asked the same questions or about the same groups each year. For
example, attitudes about patriotism were measured only in 1990, and questions
about living in the same neighborhood were asked only about Asians, blacks
and whites in 2000 (respondents were asked about Asians and blacks in 1990,
but the white category was divided into Northern and Southern whites). Using
the ratings of all three groups, we create a set of categorical-dependent variables
that measure the position of Asians relative to blacks and whites.

There are 13 possible combinations of how Asians are rated compared with
blacks and whites. Because of the small number of cases for some categories,
as well as the problem of dimensionality, we collapse the relative ratings into
four categories for each of our dependent variables (see Appendix table A2 for
details). If the scores for Asians, blacks and whites are the same, then all groups
are assumed to have equal status (“all groups equal”). If a respondent rates
Asians higher than blacks and whites, or higher than one group and equal to
the other group, then we consider Asians as being rated relatively high on the
racial hierarchy (“Asians high”). We do this because even if Asians share the top

1370 Social Forces 91(4)

position with another group, we argue that it is still considered to be a high posi-
tion.8 If a respondent rates Asians between blacks and whites, then we consider
Asians to assume a “middle” status (“Asians middle”). If a respondent rates
Asians lower than blacks and whites or lower than one group and equal to the
other, then we code Asians to be at the bottom of the racial hierarchy (“Asians
low”).9,10

Using measures of relative position has advantages over simpler measures
used in previous studies. First, they can effectively extract the crucial informa-
tion about the implicit comparisons that respondents usually make across dif-
ferent groups for similar questions asked in consecutive order. This is essential
for the racial triangulation perspective, as the evaluation of Asian Americans
is only meaningful when considered in relation to other groups. Second, the
idiosyncrasy in respondents’ ratings may cast doubt over conclusions drawn
from analyses of nonrelational social positions. For example, highly educated
people are more inclined to provide socially desirable responses (Jackman and
Muha 1984) and may give high ratings to all races. With a nonrelative measure
of respondents’ evaluations of Asians, we might conclude that education is
positively related to favorable ratings of Asian Americans. We would not know,
however, if more educated individuals would rank Asians higher or lower than
other groups.

Independent Variables
Table 1 presents descriptive statistics for the independent variables included
in each analysis. Race is measured with a dichotomous indicator, with “1”
referring to black and “0” to white. We control for age (in decades), gender
(male = 1 and female = 0 [reference]), and region (North, South, Midwest, and
West [reference]). To account for individuals’ socioeconomic status, we include
education, which is measured by years of schooling, family income (logged)11
and employment status (part-time employed, unemployed, other types, and
full-time employed [reference]). We also add party affiliation (Republican,
Democrat, Independent, and other party affiliation [reference]) and survey year
(year dummies) to account for the influence of political orientation and period
effects.12

For PSU-level characteristics, we control for percent non-Hispanic Asian, per-
cent Hispanic, percent non-Hispanic black, population size (logged), and median
household income (logged) to account for the sociodemographic characteristics
of the area. In addition, we examine whether the socioeconomic status of the
surrounding Asian community influences attitudes about Asians by including
the percent of Asians who have a college degree or higher.

Analytic Strategy
Our analyses proceed in three steps. First, we look at descriptive statistics of
the relative ratings of Asians to assess the average racial valorization and civic
ostracism of Asian Americans. Second, to examine predictors of attitudes about
the relative position of Asians and to assess whether black-white differences

Asian Americans, Race Relations, Triangulation 1371

Table 1. Descriptive Statistics of Independent Variables

Variable Mean (SD) Minimum Maximum

Survey Year

Year 1990 .09 .29 .00 1.00

Year 1994 .20 .40 .00 1.00

Year 2000 .19 .39 .00 1.00

Year 2002 .18 .39 .00 1.00

Year 2004 .18 .39 .00 1.00

Year 2006 .16 .37 .00 1.00

Race

White .85 .35 .00 1.00

Black .15 .35 .00 1.00

Age (in 10 years) 4.68 1.72 1.80 8.90

Gender

Female .56 .50 .00 1.00

Male .44 .50 .00 1.00

Region

West .19 .39 .00 1.00

Northeast .19 .39 .00 1.00

Midwest .25 .43 .00 1.00

South .37 .48 .00 1.00

Education 13.36 2.93 .00 20.00

Imputed Income 9.97 1.01 5.62 11.86

Employment

Full-time .52 .50 .00 1.00

Part-time .11 .31 .00 1.00

Unemployed .03 .17 .00 1.00

Other employment .34 .47 .00 1.00

Party Affiliation

Republican .29 .45 .00 1.00

Democrat .34 .47 .00 1.00

Independent .36 .48 .00 1.00

Other party .01 .12 .00 1.00

PSU-Level Contextual Variables

Asian college percent .43 .16 .00 1.00

Hispanics college percent .14 .09 .00 1.00

Log median HH Income 10.54 .27 9.49 12.48

Log total population 13.39 2.18 7.72 16.87

(Continued)

1372 Social Forces 91(4)

in these attitudes remain after taking into account other individual and con-
textual characteristics, we conduct multinomial logistic regression analyses,
with “Asians low” as the reference category. In the multivariate analyses, we
account for the nonindependence of observations within PSUs by using the
cluster option and robust standard errors in STATA.13 Third, to illustrate the
differences between blacks and whites, we generate predicted probabilities
using the estimates from multinomial logistic regressions. We derive these pre-
dictions using a “typical” respondent, who is set to have the mean values for
all independent variables in the model, and we only vary the individual’s race
(black = 1 and whites = 0).

We also conduct parallel analyses for ratings of Hispanics. As with the cod-
ing of the relative position of Asians, we use respondents’ ratings of Hispanics,
blacks and whites to determine the relative position of Hispanics for the same
set of racial valorization and civic ostracism indicators. We use the same inde-
pendent variables in our multivariate analyses except that we replace contextual
variables with those that are pertinent to Hispanics (e.g., percent of Hispanics
who have a college degree or higher).

Results
Table 2 shows the marginal distribution of each relative rating measure for Asian
Americans. In the full sample, in terms of racial valorization, the modal category
is to position Asians higher than other groups for family commitment (47.0%),
nonviolence (40.3%), wealth (40.0%) and work ethic (48.2%). On this dimen-
sion, intelligence is the only characteristic for which “Asians high” is the second
largest category. Most Americans rate all groups equal for intelligence (39.4%).
This last finding is somewhat surprising given that a pervasive stereotype of
Asians is their educational success. The overall valorization of Asians on these
indicators suggests that the perceptions of Asian Americans as the model minor-
ity are quite prevalent. The fact that Asians are rated high suggests that Asian
Americans are not just viewed as the model among minorities, but rather they
are perceived to be at the top of the racial hierarchy. Thus, C. Kim’s hypothesis
that Asian Americans fall between blacks and whites for racial valorization does
not exactly correspond to American public attitudes.

Another picture, however, emerges when one looks at the civic ostracism of
Asian Americans. Although some may be reassured by our finding that about

Table 1. continued

Variable Mean

Sociology homework help

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289

16 Initial Behavioral
Health Response
The Conundrums of a State
Crisis Counseling Program

Julie L. Framingham

And.I.saw.Sisyphus.in.agonising.torment.trying.to.roll.a.huge.stone.to.the.top.of.a.hill..He.
would.brace.himself,.and.push.it.towards.the.summit.with.both.hands,.but.just.as.he.was.about.
to. heave. it. over. the. crest. its. weight. overcame. him,. and. then. down. again. to. the. plain. came.
bounding. that. pitiless. boulder.. He. would. wrestle. again,. and. lever. it. back,. while. the. sweat.
poured.from.his.limbs,.and.the.dust.swirled.round.his.head.

Bk XI: 593–640
The Odyssey

16.1  INTRODUCTION

In. the. wake. of. disaster,. state. agencies. frequently. play. a. crucial. role. in. the. immediate. response.
to. impacted. communities. by. determining. if. a. need. for. behavioral. health. services. exists,. and. by.
designing,.implementing,.and.managing.behavioral.health.programs..State.behavioral.health.agen-
cies. have. access. to. certain. federal. funding. resources. that. are. unavailable. to. other. organizations.
involved.in.disaster.response..This.chapter.will.focus.on.one.particular.federal.funding.resource,.
the.Federal.Emergency.Management.Agency’s.Crisis.Counseling.Program,.and.discuss.some.of.the.
challenges.encountered.in.designing,.implementing,.and.administering.the.program..In.illustration,.
the.experiences.of.state.behavioral.health.agency.staff.in.Florida.as.related.to.programs.developed.
around.Hurricane.Charley.and.subsequent.disasters.that.followed.from.the.period.of.2004.to.2007.

CONTENTS

16.1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 289
16.2. The.Crisis.Counseling.Program……………………………………………………………………………….. 290
16.3. Assessing.the.Need.for.Crisis.Counseling.Program.Services……………………………………….. 291
16.4. The.State.Mental.Health.Authority’s.Response.to.Hurricane.Charley…………………………… 292
16.5. Public.Misconceptions…………………………………………………………………………………………….. 293
16.6. Temporary.Disaster.Employment……………………………………………………………………………… 295
16.7. Provider.Agency.Capacity……………………………………………………………………………………….. 296
16.8. Unemployment.Compensation………………………………………………………………………………….. 296
16.9. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 297
Notes…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 298
References……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 299

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EBSCO Publishing : eBook Collection (EBSCOhost) – printed on 5/10/2022 3:04 PM via AMERICAN PUBLIC UNIVERSITY SYSTEM
AN: 448580 ; Julie Framingham, Martell L. Teasley.; Behavioral Health Response to Disasters
Account: s7348467.main.ehost

290 Behavioral Health Response to Disasters

will.be.examined.a.Therefore,.select.issues.such.as.state.agency.funding,.program.continuity,.grants.
administration,.and.jurisdictional.concerns.encountered.by.program.staff.in.Florida.are.addressed,.
as.well.as.some.of.the.solutions.applied..Some.of.the.challenges.described.are.not.unique.to.Florida,.
however,.but.have.been.experienced.by.other.state.behavioral.health.agencies.as.well..Therefore,.it.is.
hoped.that.this.chapter.will.not.only.offer.some.insight.on.the.Crisis.Counseling.Program’s.potential.
obstacles,.but.encourage.other.state.behavioral.health.agencies.to.find.creative.means.to.resolve.the.
potential.barriers.to.administering.future.programs.

16.2  THE CRISIS COUNSELING PROGRAM

The. Crisis. Counseling. Assistance. and. Training. Program. (CCP. or. the. Crisis. Counseling.
Program).was.first.authorized.by.the.Disaster.Relief.Act.of.1974.(Pub..L..93-288),.later.amended.
by.Section.416.of.the.Robert.T..Stafford.Disaster.Relief.and.Emergency.Assistance.Act.of.1988.
(Stafford.Act;.Pub..L..100-707)..The.Stafford.Act.authorizes.the.president.of.the.United.States,.
through. a. disaster. declaration,. to. provide. states. and. U.S.. territories. with. a. wide. array. of. pub-
lic. and. individual. assistance. program. funds.. Pursuant. to. Title. 42,. Chapter. 68,. Subchapter. IV,.
Section.5183:.

The.President.is.authorized.to.provide.professional.counseling.services,.including.financial.assistance.
to. State. or. local. agencies. or. private. mental. health. organizations. to. provide. such. services. or. training.
of.disaster.workers,.to.victims.of.major.disasters.in.order.to.relieve.mental.health.problems.caused.or.
aggravated.by.such.major.disaster.or.its.aftermath.

The.CCP.is.jointly.administered.by.the.Federal.Emergency.Management.Agency.(FEMA).and.
the.U.S..Department.of.Health.and.Human.Services.(HHS),.Substance.Abuse.and.Mental.Health.
Services. Administration. (SAMHSA),. Center. for. Mental. Health. Services. (CMHS),. through. an.
interagency.agreement.(FEMA.Crisis Counseling.nd;.SAMHSA.nd)..CMHS.provides.training.
and.program.oversight,.as.well.as.monitoring.for.Regular.Services.Programs,.for.State.Mental.
Health.Authorities.(SMHA;.42.U.S.C..§.201)..In.Florida,.the.SMHA.is.the.Florida.Department.
of. Children. and. Families. (DCF).. DCF. has. the. responsibility. to. administer. mental. health. and.
substance.abuse.services.within.the.state.and.is.eligible.to.request.grant.funding.from.FEMA.for.
disaster.crisis.counseling.services.

Given.the.chronic.under-funding.of.many.state.mental.health.and.substance.abuse.services,.the.
CCP.is.an.essential.resource.for.SMHAs.to.assist.large.numbers.of.survivors.experiencing.psycho-
logical.distress.postdisaster..Sanctioned.CCP.activities.include.outreach,.counseling,.public.educa-
tion,.and.referrals.to.community.resources..Activities.are.intended.to.assist.survivors.to.understand.
their.situations.and.the.physical,.cognitive,.and.behavioral.reactions.that.can.result,.including.anxi-
ety,. fear,. anger,. grief,. hopelessness,. and. changes. in. sleep. patterns. or. appetite.. Crisis. counselors,.
sometimes. called. outreach. workers,. attempt. to. alleviate. adverse. stress. reactions. in. survivors. by.
providing.emotional.support..Using.active.listening,.they.help.validate.the.survivors’.reactions.and.
assist. them. to. understand. that. they. are. reacting. normally. to. an. abnormal. event. (SAMHSA. CCP.
Program.Guidance.nd)..Psychoeducation.is.a.key.component.of.the.CCP.and.has.been.demonstrated.
to. be. effective. in. a. number. of. trauma. contexts.. Psychoeducation. can. assist. individuals,. families,.
and.communities.by.normalizing.stress.reactions.and.ameliorating.distress,.and.encourage.support.
seeking,. resilience,. and. community. cooperation. (Layne. et. al.. 2008;. Jacobs,. Vernberg,. and. Lee.
2008;.Marbley.2007;.Naturale.2007;.Fremont.2004;.AACAP.2007)..

Crisis. counselors. also. help. survivors. review. their. recovery. options. and. teach. coping. skills.
and. relaxation. techniques,. among. other. nonclinical. interventions.. Crisis. counseling. activities. are.
short. term. and. community. based. and. occur. at. survivors’. homes,. schools,. places. of. employment,.
senior. centers,. and. community. centers,. among. other. sites. (SAMHSA. CCP. Program. Guidance.
nd)..Research.suggests.that.community.outreach.may.be.especially.helpful.for.reaching.out.to.and.

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291Initial Behavioral Health Response

empowering.certain.vulnerable.groups.after.disaster..These.groups.include.ethnic.minorities,.older.
adults,. individuals. with. mental. illness,. or. others. who. lack. social. support. systems. and. services,.
especially. when. delivered. by. indigenous,. trained. workers. (Norris. and. Alegria. 2005;. Elmore. and.
Brown.2007;.Person.and.Fuller.2007;.Hardiman.and.Jaffee.2008)..Further,.communications.with.
diverse.populations.in.the.community.assist.outreach.workers.to.overcome.biases.and.become.more.
culturally.aware.(Goodman.and.West-Olatunji.2009)..CMHS.expects.SMHAs.to.develop.CCPs.that.
acknowledge.the.diversity.of.the.communities.served.by.targeting.ethnic.and.racial.minorities.and.
hiring. indigenous. workers. who. reflect. the. community’s. demographic. makeup. whenever. possible.
(SAMHSA.CCP.Program.Guidance.nd).

16.3  ASSESSING THE NEED FOR CRISIS COUNSELING PROGRAM SERVICES

Two.funding.mechanisms.are.available.to.SMHAs.through.the.CCP:.(1). the.Immediate.Services.
Program,.which.provides.up.to.60.days.of.funding.for.disaster.crisis.counseling.services,.and.(2).the.
Regular.Services.Program,.which.provides.for.an.additional.nine.months.of.funding.(FEMA Crisis
Counseling.nd;.SAMHSA.nd)..The.date.of.the.presidential.disaster.declaration.is.the.start.date.for.
both. the. Immediate. Services. Program. and. Regular. Services. Program. (SAMHSA. CCP. Program.
Guidance.nd)..Between.2004.and.2007,.Florida’s.Immediate.Services.Program.grant.applications.
were.approved.quickly,.whereas.Regular.Services.Program.grant.applications.averaged.between.8.
and.22.weeks.for.review.and.approval.(Kimber.2007)..Requests.for.no-cost.extensions.(to.extend.the.
program.end.date.without.additional.funding).or.additional-cost.extensions.of.Immediate.Services.
Programs.were.therefore.necessary.to.avoid.services.disruption.

Given.the.copious.amount.of.information.that.needs.to.be.included.in.the.grant.applications,.
this.generally.means.weeks.to.months.of.extended.workdays.for.SMHA.staff.assessing.the.needs.
of.the.affected.communities,.gathering.the.data,.and.developing.the.plan.of.services.and.the.bud-
get..CMHS.requires.SMHAs.to.complete.the.CMHS.Needs.Assessment.Formula.for.Estimating.
Disaster. Mental. Health. Needs. (CMHS. Needs. Assessment;. included. in. the. grant. applications).
when.calculating.the.numbers.of.survivors.who.might.benefit.from.crisis.counseling..The.CMHS.
Needs.Assessment.follows.the.FEMA.damage.assessment.concept.and.includes.loss.categories.
of.numbers.of.dead,.hospitalized,.or.otherwise.reported.injured;.homes.with.minor.and.major.
damages,. or. totally. destroyed;. and. numbers. of. survivors. who. became. unemployed. as. a. result.
of. the. disaster.. Each. CCP. grant. application. was. developed. in. close. consultation. with. FEMA.
and.CMHS.project.officers.because.FEMA.damage.assessments.were.not.always.completed.for.
each. county,. or. they. were. completed. under. very. difficult. conditions,. making. it. impossible. to.
obtain.more.than.a.superficial.estimate.of.damages..FEMA.Individual.Assistance.applications.
for.each.county.are.also.helpful.data.for.assessing.crisis.counseling.needs,.but.CMHS.discour-
aged.use.of.these.data.if.using.the.FEMA.damage.assessment.methodology.due.to.the.potential.
for.duplication.

Consequently,.DCF.program.staff.had.to.be.resourceful.to.find.ways.to.include.other.loss.cat-
egories.or.data.sources.in.the.formula.that.would.be.acceptable.to.CMHS.and.FEMA.in.order.to.
provide.more.realistic.numbers.of.individuals.likely.to.benefit.from.crisis.counseling..Negotiation.
was.also.necessary.since.the.numbers.of.teams.and.team.members,.as.well.as.ratios.of.crisis.coun-
selors.to.team.leaders,.were.prescribed.based.on.the.numbers.of.survivors.calculated.to.benefit.from.
services.in.the.CMHS.Needs.Assessment..With.each.grant.application,.DCF.presented.the.unique.
aspects.of.the.impacted.counties.and.the.service.districts.responding.to.the.disaster.by.highlighting.
conditions.that.made.the.use.of.standardized.staffing.formulas.problematic..For.instance,.are.the.
impacted.counties.mostly.urban.or.rural?.In.the.latter.case,.teams.may.have.to.travel.much.greater.
distances.to.reach.survivors..Population.density.or.large.cultural.groups.could.also.be.reasonable.
grounds.to.deviate.from.expected.staffing.formulas..While.the.state.may.include.special.populations.
or.other.circumstances.in.other.sections.of.the.grant.application,.the.CMHS.Needs.Assessment is.
given.significant.weight.during.the.application.review.

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292 Behavioral Health Response to Disasters

16.4   THE STATE MENTAL HEALTH AUTHORITY’S 
RESPONSE TO HURRICANE CHARLEY

In.the.days.leading.up.to.the.landfall.of.Hurricane.Charley.in.August.2004,.personnel.in.the.Mental.
Health.Program.Office.at.DCF.were.busy.preparing.for.the.storm’s.arrival..The.National.Hurricane.
Center’s.tracking.and.prediction.graphic.models.suggested.that.the.hurricane.would.strike.Florida’s.
Gulf.Coast.somewhere.between.the.Fort.Myers.and.the.Tampa.Bay.areas.with.initial.reports.pre-
dicting.the.latter.being.the.most.likely.point.of.landfall.(NOAA.2006)..In.anticipation.of.Hurricane.
Charley’s.arrival,.then.Governor.Jeb.Bush.executed.Executive.Order.#04-182.on.August.11.declar-
ing.a.State.of.Emergency.(SLAF.nd).

On.Friday,.August.13,.2004,.Hurricane.Charley,.with.little.warning,.turned.suddenly.from.
its.greatly.anticipated.landfall.near.Tampa.Bay.and.slammed.into.the.southwest.coast.of.Florida.
at. Captiva. Island,. and. then. Port. Charlotte,. as. a. Category. 4. storm. with. winds. approaching.
150 mph.(NOAA.2006)..It.was.the.strongest.hurricane.to.hit.the.United.States.since.Hurricane.
Andrew. in. 1992. (FDEP. nd).. It. was. also. the. first. time. Florida. had. been. struck. by. two. major.
storms. in. less. than. 36. hours. (Tropical. Storm. Bonnie. struck. northwest. Florida. on. August. 12;.
Avila. 2004;. FDEP. nd).. The. storm. then. continued. diagonally,. north. by. northeast,. across. the.
state,.before.exiting.near.Daytona.Beach.as.a.Category.2.hurricane..Almost.1.5.million.people.
evacuated. their. homes.. Tens. of. thousands. of. homes. and. businesses. were. damaged. or. totally.
destroyed. and. more. than. 2. million. residents. were. left. without. electricity.. Damages. exceeded.
$11. billion.. There. were. 24. hurricane-related. deaths. and. 792. injuries. (NOAA. nd).. Due. to. the.
enormity.of.the.disaster,.Governor.Bush.requested.federal.assistance.from.the.president,.who.
issued.a.Federal.Disaster.Declaration,.FEMA-1539,.the.same.day.(FEMA.Major Disaster.nd)..
Of. Florida’s. 67. counties,. 26. were. declared. disaster. areas. eligible. for. Individual. Assistance.
funding,.including.the.CCP.

It.had.been.several.years.since.the.state.of.Florida.had.experienced.a.major.disaster.or.had.the.
need. to. provide. crisis. counseling. for. survivors. trying. to. cope. with. the. emotional. aftermath. of. a.
storm..Nevertheless,.anticipating.there.would.be.a.need.for.such.a.response.to.Hurricane.Charley,.
the. Disaster. Behavioral. Health. Coordinator. and. other. key. DCF. leaders. began. discussions. about.
how.to.prepare.a.response.ahead.of.the.storm’s.arrival..They.formed.a.small.team.of.workers.con-
sisting.of.several.permanent.and.temporary.staff b.to.develop.the.response.

Fortunately,. there. were. a. few. team. members. who. had. developed. CCP. grant. applications. for.
prior. disasters.. DCF. was. also. contacted. by. federal. project. officers. with. offers. of. guidance. for.
developing. the. grant. application.. The. Disaster. Behavioral. Health. Coordinatorc. had. been. making.
preparations. throughout. the. preceding. year. by. obtaining. support. from. the. department’s. senior.
management. should. the. need. arise. to. provide. a. behavioral. health. response. to. a. disaster.. He. also.
cultivated.useful.contacts.at.other.state.agencies.and.nonprofit.organizations.that.could.offer.assis-
tance.during.or.postdisaster,.including.the.Florida.Department.of.Health,.the.Department.of.Elder.
Affairs,.the.State.Emergency.Operations.Center,.the.National.Organization.for.Victim.Assistance.
(NOVA),.and.Florida.Interfaith.Networking.in.Disasters.(FIND)..FIND.played.a.prominent.role.in.
the.Department’s.response.as.this.organization.was.able.to.put.the.DCF.in.contact.with.Lutheran.
Disaster.Response.and.other.helpful.nongovernmental.organizations..Lutheran.Disaster.Response.
offered.to.host.daily.conference.calls.for.Florida’s.state.agencies.and.voluntary.organizations.to.help.
the.state.provide.an.adequate.level.of.coverage.for.behavioral.health.services.in.the.impacted.com-
munities.while.avoiding.duplication..These.calls.helped.establish.lasting.collaborative.partnerships.
by.fostering.candid.discussion.and.the.sharing.of.information.and.resources.among.the.participating.
agencies.

Before.Hurricane.Charley,.DCF.endeavored.to.increase.its.capacity.to.respond.to.disasters.by.
developing.and.training.a.volunteer.cadre..Long.experience.had.made.DCF’s.leadership.realize.
that.each.time.a.disaster.was.over.and.the.impacted.communities.had.returned.to.“normal,”.the.
staff.who.had.gained.experience.working.in.the.disaster.drifted.away.for.various.reasons..New.

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293Initial Behavioral Health Response

employment. opportunities,. relocation,. burnout,. or. disillusionment. after. prior. disaster. work,. or.
lack.of.supervisory.support,.were.recurring.grounds.for.later.nonparticipation.and.contributed.to.
a.chronic.loss.of.institutional.memory..The.agency.was.also.hamstrung.by.the.fact.that.disaster.
behavioral. health. preparedness. funding. from. the. Centers. for. Disease. Control. and. Prevention.
(CDC).and.the.Office.of.the.Assistant.Secretary.for.Preparedness.and.Response.(ASPR).is.ear-
marked.for.ESF.8,.Public.Health.and.Medical,.agencies..Under.the.National.Response.Framework,d.
ESF.8.agencies.are.tasked.to.provide.disaster.behavioral.health.services.e.In.Florida,.however,.the.
ESF.8.agency.is.the.Department.of.Health,.whereas.DCF.is.designated.as.an.ESF.6,.Mass.Care,.
agency..ESF.6.agencies.are.responsible.for.providing.disaster.crisis.counseling.(Sundararaman,.
Lister,.and.Williams.2006).f

Without. preparedness. funding,. DCF. did. not. have. the. resources. to. maintain. sufficient. staff.
year-round.to.prepare.for.future.disasters.and.sustain.its.knowledge.base..The.sustainment.prob-
lem.was.not,.however,.limited.to.headquarters.staff..It.was.common.throughout.the.DCF.system,.
including.its.contracted.community.agencies..Thus,.when.Hurricane.Charley.arrived,.DCF.found.
itself.in.the.same.predicament.as.before..In.fact,.the.department.was.to.reexperience.this.same.
dilemma.and.others.with.each.succeeding.hurricane.as.Hurricane.Charley.was.quickly.followed.
by.Hurricanes.Jeanne,.Francis,.and.Ivan.in.2004,.and.Hurricanes.Dennis,.Wilma,.and.Katrinag.
in.2005.

DCF.distributed.its.disaster.cadre.at.Disaster.Recovery.Centers,h.DCF.emergency.food.stamp.
locations,i.comfort.stations,.or.other.designated.sites.established.within.the.impacted.areas..The.
cadre.and.DCF’s.disaster.partners.provided.immediate.assistance.for.survivors.and.freed.SMHA.
staff.to.develop.the.grant.applications.to.secure.sufficient.federal.funding.for.recovery.services..
Cadre. members. brought. educational. materials. and. set. up. information. tables. within. the. sites..
They.provided.emotional.support,.listened.to.the.survivors’.disaster.experiences,.provided.them.
with. guidance. in. completing. FEMA. or. other. applications. for. assistance,. and. steered. them. to.
helping.resources..One.colleague.described.her.first.experience.as.a.crisis.counselor.in.a.Disaster.
Recovery.Center..She.stated.a.male.survivor.approached.her.while.she.was.standing.at.her.infor-
mation.table:

She.asked,.“How.may.I.help.you.sir?”.The.man.immediately.exploded.into.a.tirade.concerning.his.frus-
trations.with.the.disaster,.the.response.process,.and.the.bureaucratic.“red.tape”.that.impeded.obtaining.
the.assistance.that.he.desperately.needed..The.crisis.counselor’s.eyes.opened.wide.and.she.froze.in.fear..
After.a.couple.of.minutes,.however,.she.plucked.up.her.nerve.and.repeated.her.question.

“Sir,.how.can.I.help.you?”

Suddenly,.the.survivor.ceased.his.tirade,.took.a.deep.breath.and.looked.at.her.and.said,.“I.feel.much.
better.now..Thank.you!”.He.then.walked.off.without.asking.for.any.other.assistance.or.information.j

The. point. illustrated. here. is. that. crisis. counselors. provide. a. great. deal. of. emotional. support.
simply.by.listening.to.survivors’.stories..Survivors.may.not.need.much.more.than.having.someone.
listen.to.them.and/or.some.informational.materials.to.help.them.understand.their.reactions.to.the.
disaster.and.learn.more.adaptive.ways.to.cope.with.current.stressors.

16.5  PUBLIC MISCONCEPTIONS

In. fact,. the. term. crisis counseling. is. somewhat. misleading. since. all. CCP. services,. even. when.
delivered.by.licensed.behavioral.health.specialists,.are.nonclinical.in.nature..However,.the.disaster.
literature.suggests.that.the.majority.of.survivors.do.not.develop.long-term.posttraumatic.psychopa-
thology.(Gray,.Litz,.and.Maguen.2004;.Davidson.and.McFarlane.2006),.especially.in.the.absence.
of. extensive. property. damage,. injuries. and. loss. of. life,. or. human-caused. incidents. (Norris. et. al..
2001)..Consequently,.no.clinical.services.are.authorized.under.the.CCP.(SAMHSA.CCP.Program.

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294 Behavioral Health Response to Disasters

Guidance.nd)..Crisis.counselors.are.expected.to.refer.individuals.in.need.of.clinical.mental.health.or.
substance.abuse.treatment.to.preexisting.community.behavioral.health.agencies,.which.frequently.
have. long. waiting. lists. for. Medicaid-funded. services.. An. unfortunate. consequence. of. failing. to.
authorize.clinical.services.is.that,.of.those.individuals.who.do.go.on.to.develop.long-term.psycho-
logical.or.substance.use.disorders,.the.uninsured.and.under-insured.suffer.the.most.(Sundararaman,.
Lister,.and.Williams.2006).

The.fact.that.no.clinical.services.are.offered.in.the.CCP.appears.to.contradict.the.Stafford.Act’s.
language,.which.states.that.“professional.counseling”.may.be.offered.to.survivors.experiencing.
psychological.distress.postdisaster.(42.U.S.C..§.5183)..However,.it.has.been.left.up.to.CMHS.to.
determine.what.constitutes.professional.counseling.(Drury,.Scheeringa,.and.Zeanah.2008)..The.
FEMA. CCP. instead. relies. on. many. of. the. same. principles. used. in. the. Psychological. First. Aid.
model. developed. by. the. National. Child. Traumatic. Stress. Network. (NCTSN). and. the. National.
Center. for. Posttraumatic. Stress. Disorder. (NCPTSD),. which. many. organizations. have. endorsed.
as. a. preferred. intervention. for. response. to. emergencies. or. disasters. (Chapter. 10,. this. volume)..
Similar.to.the.CCP,.Psychological.First.Aid.is.used.in.diverse.community.settings.and.is.designed.
to.provide.disaster.survivors.with.nonclinical.assistance..Core.components.of.Psychological.First.
Aid. involve. engaging,. comforting,. and. stabilizing. survivors;. gathering. information. about. their.
needs. or. concerns. and. offering. practical. help. to. satisfy. those. needs;. connecting. survivors. to.
social.support.systems.and.community.resources;.and.providing.information.on.stress.reactions.
and.coping.(Brymer.et.al..2006).

Misconceptions.about.what.the.CCP.has.to.offer.survivors.has.led.to.a.number.of.misunderstand-
ings. with. the. media. and,. consequently,. with. the. public.. This. has. at. times. occurred. with. painful.
results,. not. just. for. Florida’s. DCF,. but. also. for. other. SMHAs. that. have. implemented. CCPs.. The.
media. have. sometimes. assumed. that. crisis. counseling. refers. to. clinical. counseling,. and. various.
news.stories.have.criticized.CCPs.for.failing.to.provide.clinical.services..For.example,.in.October.
2006,.the.New Orleans Times-Picayune.published.a.news.story.(Varney.2006).about.the.SMHA’s.
Louisiana.Spiritk.wherein.it.criticized.FEMA.for.not.allowing.CCP.funding.to.be.spent.on.“medical.
doctors”.and.instead.implied.it.was.being.spent.on.“muffins.and.coffee.”.The.article.further.stated.
that. research. concerning. the. CCP’s. effectiveness. is. lacking. and. an. expert. source. was. quoted. as.
suggesting.that.the.program.possibly.causes.more.harm.than.good.(Varney.2006)..The.fact.that.the.
trauma. expert. cited. in. the. story. referred. to. the. CCP’s. intervention. as. “psychological. debriefing”l.
suggests.he.was.unaware.that.the.CCP.does.not.permit.use.of.psychological.debriefing.(SAMHSA.
CCP.Program.Guidance.nd,.14),.which.indeed.has.come.under.fire.as.a.means.of.assisting.disaster.
survivors.and.has.been.discouraged.from.practice.by.some.researchers.(Rose.et al..1999;.Mayou,.
Ehlers,.and.Hobbs.2000;.Rose.et.al..2001;.Litz.et.al..2002;.NIMH.2002)..

It.is.true,.however,.that.there.have.been.few.studies.of.the.CCP.that.sought.to.examine.the.
program’s.effectiveness.(Elrod,.Hamblen,.and.Norris.2006;.Norris,.Hamblen,.and.Rosen.2009;.
Drury,. Scheeringa,. and. Zeanah. 2008).. Evaluating. the. CCP’s. effectiveness. has. been. difficult.
because,.unlike.clients.in.traditional.mental.health.systems,.crisis.counseling.services.are.short.
term.(CMHS.recommends.assessment.and.referral.after.three.visits;.SAMHSA.CCP.Program.
Guidance. nd,. 19). and. no. personally. identifying. information. is. retained.. Therefore,. it. is. not.
possible. to. obtain. pre-. and. posttest. measures. of. the. program’s. efficacy. in. ameliorating. post-
disaster.distress.(Norris,.Hamblen,.and.Rosen.2009;.Drury,.Scheeringa,.and.Zeanah.2008)..It.
is.also.true.that.FEMA.and.CMHS.have.allowed.SMHAs.wide.latitude.in.administering.CCPs..
CCPs.use.a.wide.variety.of.outreach.and.engagement.strategies.to.identify.survivors.who.might.
benefit. from. services.. In. October. 2006,. Florida’s. Hurricane. Wilma. and. Hurricane. Katrina.
Regular.Services.Programs.were.criticized.by.the.Fort.Lauderdale.Sun-Sentinel.(Kestin.2006a).
as.a.ridiculous.waste.of.taxpayer.money.because.of.the.staff.time.expended.on.what.the.paper.
alleged.to.be.frivolous,.ineffective.strategies.to.identify.and.engage.survivors..These.strategies.
included. dressing. in. costume. and. singing. songs. for. preschoolers.. The. news. story. featured. a.
performance.by.crisis.counselors.dressed.in.costumes.at.a.preschool.where.they.sang,.“Windy.

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295Initial Behavioral Health Response

Biggie.is.our.friend..Windy.Biggie.is.strong.wind..She.turns,.turns,.turns,.turns.around..She’s.
knocking.things.to.the.ground.”

The. story. also. discussed. how. CCP. funds. were. expended. on. staff. organizing. hurricane. bingo,.
puppet.shows,.and.yoga.for.various.organizations.as.a.way.to.try.to.identify.and.reach.out.to.sur-
vivors..The.crisis.counselors.interviewed.admitted.that.finding.survivors.who.might.really.benefit.
from. the. CCP. was. difficult. because,. despite. the. fact. that. the. program. is. FEMA. funded,. FEMA.
would.not.share.the.names.and.addresses.of.FEMA.aid.registrants.due.to.privacy.concerns.(Kestin.
2006a)..This.was.not.always.the.case,.however,.but.transpired.after.FEMA.instituted.a.policy.change.
in.the.late.1990s.due.to.privacy.concerns.(Elrod,.Hamblen,.and.Norris.2006).

Following. the. Sun-Sentinel’s. report,. The. Honorable. Susan. M.. Collins,. Chairman. of. the.
Committee. on. Homeland. Security. and. Governmental. Affairs,. requested. both. FEMA. and. HHS.
to. investigate. Project. H.O.P.E.’s. Hurricane. Wilma. and. Katrina. programs. to. determine. if. federal.
funding.was.being.wasted.(Department.of.Homeland.Security.2008).m.The.Sun-Sentinel.continued.
publishing. articles. critical. of. Florida’s. CCPs. over. the. next. few. months.. In. December. 2006,. the.
newspaper.reported.CCPs.administered.in.states.other.than.Florida.had.also.engaged.in.allegedly.
inappropriate. activities. (Kestin. 2006b).. The. article. referred. to. other. CCPs. (California,. Virginia,.
Wisconsin,.and.Colorado).offering.classes.on.crafts,.martial.arts,.canning.and.freezing.foods,.pro-
viding. massages,. haircuts,. and. gumbo. cook-offs,. among. other. engagement. strategies,. to. identify.
survivors. and. offer. crisis. counseling. services. (Kestin. 2006b).. Later,. in. January. 2007,. the. Sun-
Sentinel. (Kestin. 2007). reported. that. Rep.. Tom. Feeney,. R-Oviedo,. and. Rep.. Mario. Diaz-Balart,.
R-Miami,.intended.to.file.a.bill.to.prevent.future.federal.disaster.funding.from.being.spent.on.crisis.
counseling.activities.ensuring.that.“no.disaster.relief.funds.are.used.for.any.type.of.crisis.counsel-
ing,.recreation.or.self-esteem.building.classes.or.instruction,.including.but.not.limited.to.dance.and.
exercise.classes,.bingo,.gardening.workshops,.puppet.shows.or.theater.productions.”.FEMA’s.initial.
response.to.Sen..Collins.in.December.2008.found.that.Project.H.O.P.E..was.spending.its.funding.on.
“reasonable.and.approved.items.and.activities”.under.federal.guidelines.(Kestin.2007;.Department.
of.Homeland.Security.2008)..FEMA’s.final.report.of.its.findings.was.not.released.until.September.
2008.(Department.of.Homeland.Security.2008)..Suffice.it.to.say.that.there.is.a.genuine.need.to.cre-
ate.a.more.realistic.public.perception.of.crisis.counseling.

16.6  TEMPORARY DISASTER EMPLOYMENT

From. 2004. to. 2007,. DCF. had. to. overcome. many. challenges. to. the. program,. and. the. unfavor-
able.media.coverage.of.the.Fort.Lauderdale.Sun-Sentinel.was.just.one.head.of.the.hydra..Other.
barriers. to. the. CCP. included. the. use. of. temporary. disaster. workers. and. unemployment. com-
pensation.issues..Until.2006,.DCF.used.two.options.for.hiring.disaster.teams:.the.teams.were.
either.contracted.through.community.behavioral.health.agencies,.or.they.were.hired.directly.as.
temporary.departmental.staff.by.the.service.districts.in.the.impacted.areas..Contracting.through.
a. community. agency. meant. the. workers. could. receive. certain. fringe. benefits. that. temporary.
departmental. disaster. staff. members. were. not. given.. No. line. item. expenses. for. vacation. or.
sick.leave,.pension.or.unemployment.benefits.were.included.in.the.CCP.budgets.for.temporary.
departmental workers.

The.decision.to.hire.teams.as.temporary.departmental.staff.or.on.contract.was.left.up.to.indi-
vidual. DCF. service. district. managers.. Some. of. the. service. districts. elected. to. hire. CCP. teams.
directly.rather.than.contract.them.out.to.community.behavioral.health.agencies..A.disadvantage.
to.this.hiring.method.was.that.the.district.supervisors.were.then.responsible.for.supervising.many.
more.staff,.which.could.be.quite.challenging..Direct.control.and.close.monitoring.of.team.activi-
ties.by.the.DCF.service.districts,.and.a.relatively.quick.hiring.process,.on.the.other.hand,.were.
distinct.advantages.to.hiring.temporary.departmental.workers..Even.when.there.is.a.gubernato-
rial.declaration.of.emergency,.which.waives.normal.state.procurement.regulations.(F.S..252.36),.
the.contract.execution.process.can.be.very.time.consuming..Further,.some.service.districts.did.

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Sociology homework help

Research news articles on environmental justice and summarize what happened in the article, where it happened and who was impacted -give detailed information on the population involved. (100 words). Research and explain what was the response from local leaders (eg. community leaders, political/industry or government). List what are the potential health impacts of the environmental problem discussed in the article (provide detail explainin on the health impacts). List what environmental policy (see environmental policy folder (week 6) for ideas) the environmental justice article is linked to, and explain why. Include a link to the selected news item. Include a photo that highlights the issue raised in the article. Link your response to COURSE CONTENT (such as, reading, vidoes, or websites). Respond to 4 classmates blogposts wherein you provide suggestions on what political leaders could do to solve the problem or achieve environmental justice in the selected community.

Pick a new environmental justice concern that we have not discuss in the course (move away from water, and refinaries).


Grading is based on below

Did the student provide a summary with substance explaining details of the event of 100 words?

Was the response from local political leaders listed and did the student pick a NEW environmental health problem.

Did the student list what are the potential health impacts of the environmental problem discussed in the article and list the environmental policy the content is connected to, with an explanation of why the connection being made.

PLUS did the student include a link and AND and appropriate photo.

Sociology homework help

Meet Ray: Age 69 to 87

© 2021 Walden University, LLC 1

Meet Ray: Age 69 to 87
Program Transcript

NARRATOR: Ray begins to watch more spiritual programming and reconnects with the

Catholic faith. He joins the local church and encourages Yolanda to attend services as

well. Ray volunteers at the church’s thrift shop and at youth events, establishing

friendships with several older men in the church. Engaging in these activities helps

Ray’s psychological functioning and his acceptance of later life.

In his 70s, Ray starts using a wheelchair for mobility. He also begins to forget things

and even leaves the oven on overnight. Yolanda takes Ray to the Aging Center, which

has sliding fee services for neurology. The neurologist determines that Ray has early-

onset dementia that will get progressively worse.

The diagnosis is a major blow to Ray, who understands what this will mean for the rest

of his life. Ray becomes depressed again. More grandchildren are born, and when Ray

is well, he invents silly games to play with them. During gatherings, Ray sits outside and

watches the children, finding fulfillment and peace in the family he has created.

As Ray enters his 80s, full dementia sets in. Ray also experiences sundown syndrome,

in which he becomes agitated and paranoid every day in the late afternoon. He is cared

for by Yolanda, Peter, and Amy, along with his grandchildren, who have complex

emotions as they watch his deterioration. Ray has a peaceful passing at age 87,

surrounded by his wife and children. At his bedside, Yolanda reminisces, saying, “He

was the love of my life.”

Sociology homework help

Tell me what you intend to research and write on for your paper. Good topics will be fairly specific. Big topics get overwhelming quickly. The only constraints are that your topic address ethical issues in IT. There are a great many more specific issues related to the big themes of privacy, intellectual property, and security. But you needn’t feel limited strictly to these. There may be worthy philosophical issues to consider regarding AI, for instance, or cyborgs (are we already cyborgs?).

Also tell me what’s on your mind at this point concerning potential sources. It would be a good idea to read a few things as you are refining your topic plans. Manageable clear discussion of specific issues typically start with some review of an ongoing conversation in print. Think of yourself as joining into that conversation, but only after you’ve listened enough to gain a sense for what might be worth contributing. 

There is no length requirement for this step. I just want to make sure you are onto a manageable project before you get in too deep.

Sociology homework help

You may print or download ONE copy of this document for the purpose of your own research or study.

COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA
Copyright Regulations 1969

WARNING
This material has been reproduced and communicated to you by or on behalf of the University of

Wollongong pursuant to Part VB of the Copyright Act 1968 (the Act).

The material in this communication may be subject to copyright under the Act. Any further

reproduction or communication of this material by you may be the subject of copyright protection

under the Act.

Do not remove this notice.

sbaresic
Text Box
Sissons, J 2005, ‘Oppressive authenticity’, in First Peoples: Indigenous Cultures and their Futures, Reaktion Books, London, pp37-59.
  1. Continue:

Sociology homework help

Meet Ray: Age 69 to 87

© 2021 Walden University, LLC 1

Meet Ray: Age 69 to 87
Program Transcript

NARRATOR: Ray begins to watch more spiritual programming and reconnects with the

Catholic faith. He joins the local church and encourages Yolanda to attend services as

well. Ray volunteers at the church’s thrift shop and at youth events, establishing

friendships with several older men in the church. Engaging in these activities helps

Ray’s psychological functioning and his acceptance of later life.

In his 70s, Ray starts using a wheelchair for mobility. He also begins to forget things

and even leaves the oven on overnight. Yolanda takes Ray to the Aging Center, which

has sliding fee services for neurology. The neurologist determines that Ray has early-

onset dementia that will get progressively worse.

The diagnosis is a major blow to Ray, who understands what this will mean for the rest

of his life. Ray becomes depressed again. More grandchildren are born, and when Ray

is well, he invents silly games to play with them. During gatherings, Ray sits outside and

watches the children, finding fulfillment and peace in the family he has created.

As Ray enters his 80s, full dementia sets in. Ray also experiences sundown syndrome,

in which he becomes agitated and paranoid every day in the late afternoon. He is cared

for by Yolanda, Peter, and Amy, along with his grandchildren, who have complex

emotions as they watch his deterioration. Ray has a peaceful passing at age 87,

surrounded by his wife and children. At his bedside, Yolanda reminisces, saying, “He

was the love of my life.”

Sociology homework help

Week 5 dq2 response 5 449

Kenyetta Patterson

Hello Professor and class,

The two cases I chose for the discussion were Hanging with Hailey and Carl case study. In Hanging with Hailey I chose the genogram and sociogram. The reason for my choice was because Hailey suffers from isolation, depression and poor health (eating). The geniogram tool in Hailey’s allow clients to explain their current circumstances that they might struggle with to speak openly about. In Hailey’s case she suffers from depression due to the loss of her father from Cancer and the disengagement from her friends no longer interacting with her. The Sociogram tool Hailey can benefit from because she continues to be isolated within a group.

Carl suffers from substance abuse and depression. This stems from his recent car accident and his addiction to the pain killers the doctors prescribed which then led him to the abuse of heroin. Then losing his job and had to move in with family because he can no longer afford to pay for his apartment. The STBI tool would benefit Carl because this tool assesses the severity of substance use and identifies the severity the appropriate level of treatment. The intervention focuses on increasing awareness regarding substance use and motivation.

Kenyetta Patterson


https://creately.com/blog/diagrams/social-work-assessment-tools-templates/

https://www.samhsa.gov/sbirt

Sociology homework help

Communicating positively

A guide to appropriate Aboriginal terminology

The painting – See when were talking right were walking in the right direction

The painting displays a centerpiece in the shape of an eye with the figures of people sitting around the inside. The dot work trailing from the mouths of the figures and blending into the circle of the eye is a representation of using the correct terminology.

Throughout the background there are lines of cross hatching which generally represent ownership or ownership of land. In this painting it is used as a symbol that we as people have ownership over our bodies and minds and therefore have a choice in the style of language that we use.

The footprints are seen heading in the one direction heading along the same dot work speech lines, to represent that once we have learnt the correct protocols and terminology we can utilize this and progress as a nation towards a brighter future.

The green circles which fade from dark to light in the center are representations of eradicating bad terminology and inappropriate use of dialogue, so that eventually through education of correct procedures these non-accepted ways will deteriorate.

By Kylie Cassidy Central Coast Aboriginal Artist

NSW DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH

73 Miller Street North Sydney NSW 2060 Tel. (02) 9391 9000 Fax. (02) 9391 9101

www.health.nsw.gov.au

This work is copyright. It may be reproduced in whole or in part for study training purposes subject to the inclusion of an acknowledgement of the source. It may not be reproduced for commercial usage or sale. Reproduction for purposes other than those indicated above, requires written permission from the NSW Department of Health.

© NSW Department of Health 2004 SHPN (AHB) 030102 ISBN 0 7347 3542 1 For further copies of this document please contact: Better Health Centre – Publications Warehouse Locked Mail Bag 5003 Gladesville NSW 2111 Tel. (02) 9816 0452 Fax. (02) 9816 0492 Further copies of this document can be downloaded from the NSW Health website: www.health.nsw.gov.au May 2004

Contents

Introduction …………………………………………………………………………..2

Terminology guide …………………………………………………………………4

Collective names used to describe Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people ………………………………………………………9

Terms associated with Aboriginal communities and community organisations ………………………………………………………..14

Other terms ………………………………………………………………………………..21

Terms not to be used ……………………………………………………………………29

Additional resources …………………………………………………………….31

References……………………………………………………………………………32

Introduction

Purpose

The purpose of this guide is to provide NSW Health staff with background information and guidance on appropriate word usage when working with Aboriginal people and communities, and when developing policy and programs to improve health outcomes for Aboriginal people. The use of accurate and non-offensive language is an essential component of Aboriginal cultural respect and communication training.

In developing this guide, the Aboriginal Health Branch (AHB) has worked closely with Aboriginal staff within the NSW Department of Health and Area Managers of Aboriginal Health (AMAHs) within Area Health Services (AHSs), as well as the Aboriginal Health and Medical Research Council of NSW (AH&MRC), the peak body representing Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Services (ACCHSs) in NSW.

Scope

This guide relates to Aboriginal people in NSW and gives the recommended word usage for NSW Health employees.

The authors of this guide have aimed to use current names and terminology selected by Aboriginal people themselves. Usage of some terminology may vary with location. If you are unsure about using a particular term, ask the local Aboriginal community/ies or ACCHSs to identify their preferred terms. Alternatively, contact the AMAH in your AHS, the AH&MRC, the local Aboriginal land council (LALC), or the AHB for further guidance.

Note that this guide does not list the many and varied names of individual Aboriginal language groups. Before European colonisation, at least 70 Aboriginal languages and dialects were spoken in the area now known as NSW. 1 For further information about the names of these varied language groups, refer to Horton (1994).2

Introduction

Structure

An overview section outlining key aspects of Aboriginal history is provided on pages 6-7. The Terminology Guide starts on page 9 and lists a number of commonly used terms under four major categories: ● Collective names used to describe Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people ● Terms associated with Aboriginal communities and community organisations ● Other terms ● Terms not to be used. A description of each term, as well as its recommended usage and issues for consideration, is provided in the remaining part of the document (pages 9-30). Additional reading and useful websites are listed on page 31.

The importance of non-discriminatory and accurate language

Following European colonisation, Aboriginal people were forbidden from speaking traditional languages and Aboriginal languages suffered enormous erosion as a result.3 English was used to describe and communicate with Aboriginal people and led to the use of inappropriate and often discriminatory language.

Generally, language can be seen as a direct reflection of the particular culture and beliefs that have given rise to it. For example, the English language is not capable of embodying the cultural imperatives, values and contexts associated with Aboriginal languages.

Because the European colonists did not understand and were generally prejudiced against Aboriginal ways of life, the language they used to address and describe Aboriginal people was often discriminatory and offensive.

Today, just as attitudes towards Aboriginal culture are changing, terms to describe Aboriginal people are continually evolving. Understanding the distinctions between the words, and to whom they apply, can be a challenge for NSW Health staff. However, using appropriate and accurate language is fundamental in ensuring the use of non-discriminatory language and developing positive relationships between Government staff and Aboriginal communities.

Terminology guide

For ease of use, the terms in this guide are arranged alphabetically and organised under four major categories.

Collective names used to describe Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people

Aboriginal / Aborigine Aboriginal people (s) First people / first Australians Indigenous people(s) Torres Strait Islander / person Goori, Koori, Murri, Nunga and other such terms

9

10

11

11

12

13

Terms associated with Aboriginal communities and community organisations

Clan Community Country Elder Mob Nation Traditional owner Tribe

14

14

15

16

16

17

20

20

Other terms

Assimilation policy Culture Invasion/colonisation/settlement Land rights Mission/reserve Native title Pre/post contact Protection policy Self-determination Stolen Generations

Terms not to be used

Them Those people You people Half-caste Quarter-caste 25%, 50% Aboriginal etc Full-blood Mixed blood

21

22

23

23

24

26

26

27

27

28

29

Overview

This guide explores the correct terminology to describe Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, as well as terms associated with Aboriginal communities and community organisations.

This overview will be helpful in gaining a better understanding of the historical, political and cultural context around this terminology.

Australia has traditionally been inhabited by two indigenous peoples that are ethnically and culturally very different – Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Aboriginal people comprise diverse Aboriginal nations, each with their own language and traditions, and have historically lived on mainland Australia, Tasmania and many of the continent’s offshore islands. Torres Strait Islander people come from the islands of the Torres Strait, between the tip of Cape York in Queensland and Papua New Guinea. 5

In Aboriginal culture, the land was created by the journeys of the ‘Spirit Ancestors’ during a period known as the ‘Dreaming’ or ‘Dreamtime’. In song, story, poetry, art, drama and dance, the Dreamtime tells how the Spirit Ancestors (each symbolised by an animal which is the totem of the clan) gave life to the land and laid down the Law – the structure of society, rituals to maintain the life of the land and rules for human behaviour. The Dreamtime explains the origin of the universe, the workings of nature and of humanity, and the cycle of life and death. It shapes and structures Aboriginal life and the relations between the sexes, and prescribes a network of obligations to people, land and spirits.6

It is important to understand that according to the Dreaming, Aboriginal people did not own the land in the European sense, but rather, belonged to the land. The rule of the Law, as passed on by the Dreaming, was absolute throughout all aspects of Aboriginal life and was guarded by the Elders, select male and female people who possessed great knowledge of the Law. These Elders made important decisions, gave inspiration and advice, arranged marriages, organised learning, initiations and ceremonies, arbitrated and settled disputes, and fixed punishments if laws were broken. 7

The Europeans did not understand Aboriginal culture, and the close connection between Aboriginal people and the land was not recognised under British law. Because Aboriginal land was deemed unoccupied it was declared ‘terra nullius’ – land belonging to no one – and was taken away without negotiations or treaties.8

The remnants of Aboriginal clans were forced to relocate, sometimes hundreds of kilometres away from traditional lands, onto reserves or missions where they were forbidden to speak traditional languages or practice cultural traditions. Life on the missions was harsh and there was little respect for human rights. Aboriginal people were treated as incapable of managing their own lives and were subject to arbitrary rule by mission managers and police. 9

The Government’s policy of ‘protection’ towards Aboriginal people began in the 1880s and led to the creation of ‘protection boards’ in all Australian states. In 1883, NSW set up the NSW Aborigines Protection Board (later renamed Aborigines Welfare Board). This board was established based on the belief that nothing could protect Aboriginal people but ‘some controlling power which can not only offer

them what is for their good but also constrain them to the acceptance of it’ .10

In practice, the policy of the NSW Aborigines Protection Board was that all Aboriginal people should live on reserves. The protection board could limit Aboriginal people’s movements, dictate where Aboriginal people could live, who they could associate with and how and when they would be paid wages for work performed. The NSW Aborigines Welfare Board was not abolished until 1969. 11

Under the Government’s protection and assimilation policies, protection boards throughout Australia oversaw the removal of thousands of Aboriginal children (known as the ‘Stolen Generations’) from their parents. Often, these children would be sent to ‘training homes’ where they were trained as domestic servants or farm labourers, or fostered out to non-Aboriginal families away from their community of origin. The personal and communal desolation resulting from the removal of Aboriginal children from their families was recognised at the 1996 hearings of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from their Families, which gave rise to the Bringing Them Home Report in May 1997. 12

The Government’s policies of protection and assimilation were not officially abandoned until 1972 when, as a direct result of growing Aboriginal activism, it was officially replaced with a policy of self-determination – defined as ‘Aboriginal communities deciding the pace and nature of their future development as significant components within a diverse Australia’. 13

Despite the enormous impacts of European colonisation on Aboriginal ways of life, Aboriginal people have survived and Aboriginal culture is alive and strong. It is estimated that there were 135,300 Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander people residing in NSW as of 30 June 2001. 14

Aboriginal people have fought long and hard for their rights and several important landmarks have marked modern Aboriginal history. For example, in 1983, the Aboriginal Land Rights Act 1983 (NSW) was passed in NSW, promoting Aboriginal land rights on the basis of needs and compensation as well as prior ownership and tradition. In 1992, in the historic Mabo judgement, the High Court of Australia reversed the concept of ‘terra nullius’ by holding that a ‘native title’ to land had survived the colonisation of Australia, thus enshrining Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander land rights in Australia’s common law.

Despite these advances, social indicators for Aboriginal people, including health indicators, remain the lowest of all Australian groups. Understanding the impacts of past injustices and striving to eliminate discriminatory practices are important factors in improving social outcomes for Aboriginal Australians.

Collective names used to describe Aboriginal people

Aboriginal /Aborigine

Description

An ‘Aboriginal person’ or an ‘Aborigine’ is a person who:

● is a member of the Aboriginal race of Australia

● identifies as an Aboriginal person

● is accepted by the Aboriginal community as an Aboriginal person. 15

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Although it is grammatically correct, beware when using the term ‘Aborigine(s)’ as it has negative connotations with many Aboriginal people. The use of ‘Aboriginal person’ or ‘Aboriginal people’ can be used as an alternative.

Be aware that the term ‘Aboriginal’ is not generally inclusive of Torres Strait Islander people, and reference to both Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people should therefore be spelt out where necessary. This notwithstanding, also note that within NSW Health, the term ‘Aboriginal’ is generally used in preference to ‘Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander’, in recognition that Aboriginal people are the original inhabitants of NSW (see NSW Health Circular No. 2003/55). For example:

✓ NSW Health has recently produced and implemented the NSW Health Aboriginal

Health Impact Statement.

Always capitalise the ‘A’ in ‘Aboriginal’ as you would other designations like ‘Australian’, ‘Arabic’ or ‘Nordic’. The word ‘aboriginal with a lowercase ‘a’ refers to an indigenous person from any part of the world. As such, it does not necessarily refer to the Aboriginal people of Australia.

Do not use ‘Aboriginal’ as a noun – it should only be used as an adjective.

✗ The Government’s new strategy will support increased business with Aboriginals. ✓ The Government’s new strategy will support increased business with Aboriginal people.

Never abbreviate the term ‘Aboriginal’ as this is offensive.

Remember: when preparing speech notes that refer to ‘our history’, ensure that the use of the word ‘Australian(s)’ includes Aboriginal people/s. Consider the opening statement:

✗ ‘Most Australians continue to see Aboriginal people…’

This infers that Aboriginal people are not Australian, which is incorrect. The correct terminology is:

✓ ‘Most non-Aboriginal Australians continue to see Aboriginal people…’

Aboriginal people (s)

Description

‘Aboriginal people’ is a collective name for the original people of Australia and their descendants, and does not emphasise the diversity of languages, cultural practices and spiritual beliefs. By adding an ‘s’ to ‘people’, you are emphasising this diversity.

‘Aboriginal people’ can also be used to refer to more than one Aboriginal person.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Both ‘Aboriginal people’ and ‘Aboriginal peoples’ are acceptable depending on the context. For example:

✓ ‘At the time of European invasion, there were approximately 600 Aboriginal

peoples’. Note that in this instance ‘peoples’ is used to describe the groups of Aboriginal people, each with their own language, cultural practices and beliefs.

✓ ‘At the time of European invasion, there were between 300,000 and 1 million16

Aboriginal people living in Australia.’ Note that in this instance ‘people’ refers to more than one person.

If you wish to emphasise the fact that Aboriginal people are Australians, consider the use of ‘Aboriginal Australian(s)’ instead of ‘Aboriginal people’.

Never abbreviate the term ‘Aboriginal’ as this is offensive.

First people /first Australians

‘First people’ or ‘First Australians’ are collective names for the original people of Australia and their descendants, and are used to emphasise that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people lived on this continent prior to European invasion.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Both ‘First people’ and ‘First Australians’ are acceptable. Use these terms to emphasise that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people lived on this continent before the European invasion.

Indigenous people (s)

Description

The Macquarie Dictionary defines ‘indigenous’ as ‘originating in and characterising

a particular region or country’. Based on this definition, an indigenous person is a person originating or characterising a particular region or country.

The term can be problematic when applied to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. One area of concern is whether to capitalise the ‘I’ or use a lowercase ‘i’.

Practice varies. For example, whilst United Nations documents tend not to capitalise

‘indigenous’ as they collectively refer to people originating from more than one

region or country, Commonwealth documents generally capitalise ‘Indigenous’ as they refer specifically to Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.

The preferred option for NSW Health staff is to capitalise ‘Indigenous’ when referring

to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Because ‘Indigenous’ is not specific, some Aboriginal people feel that the term diminishes their Aboriginality and must be avoided.

NSW Health recommends using the terms ‘Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander’ in preference to ‘Indigenous’. If in doubt and before using the term ‘Indigenous’ ALWAYS consult with the local Aboriginal community.

If using the term ‘indigenous’, always capitalise ‘I’ when referring to Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. For example:

✓ The Australian Government’s new strategy will support increased business

with Indigenous people.

Note that the lower case ‘i’ for ‘indigenous’ is only used when referring to people originating in more than one region or country such as the Pacific region, Asiatic region, Canada, or New Zealand.

✓ Australia will be hosting the inter-country tennis competition where indigenous

peoples from Canada, New Zealand and the Asiatic region will be competing for the right to challenge last year’s winners.

If using the term ‘Indigenous people’, define what you mean by ‘Indigenous’ – that is, if you are referring to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, say so.

Torres Strait Islander /person

Description

A Torres Strait Islander or a Torres Strait Islander person is a person/descendant from

the Torres Strait Islands which are located to the north of mainland Australia.

Note that although not originally from NSW, there are Torres Strait Islander people living in the state.

Recommended usage

Always capitalise ‘Torres Strait Islander’. Never abbreviate the term ‘Torres Strait Islander’ as this is offensive. Note that within NSW Health, the term ‘Aboriginal’ is generally used in preference to ‘Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander’, in recognition that Aboriginal people are the original inhabitants of NSW (see NSW Health Circular No. 2003/55). For example:

✓ NSW Health has recently produced and implemented the NSW Health Aboriginal

Health Impact Statement.

Goori /Koori /Murri /Nunga and other such terms

These terms are directly derived from Aboriginal languages and are the names used by Aboriginal people in specific areas when referring to themselves. Note that many Aboriginal people from other areas of Australia reside within

NSW and still use their traditional names. Some examples of these terms are:

Goori – is usually used by Aboriginal people in northern NSW coastal regions

Koori – is usually used by Aboriginal people in parts of NSW and Victoria

Murri – is usually used by Aboriginal people in north-west NSW and Queensland

Nunga – is usually used by Aboriginal people in South Australia

Yolngu – is usually used by Aboriginal people in Northern Territory (north- east Arnhem Land) Anangu – is usually used by Aboriginal people in Central Australia

Noongar – is usually used by Aboriginal people in south-west Western Australia

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Always check with the local Aboriginal community about using this type of terminology. There are many Aboriginal language groups within the above-mentioned areas and the use of such terms can be restrictive.

Terms associated with Aboriginal communities and community organisations

Clan

Description

The ‘clan’ is a local descent group, larger than a family but based on family links through a common ancestry.17 A ‘clan’ is a subset of a nation.

For example, the Yuin nation in southeastern NSW has several clans within it.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Be aware that the term ‘clan’ has a specific meaning which is derived from non-Aboriginal societies, and therefore may not necessarily be applicable to Aboriginal culture. Some Aboriginal people use the term and such usage should be respected. If unsure, ask the local community for guidance.

Community

Description

There are many different perspectives on what a ‘community’ is. Non-Aboriginal people often use ‘community’ to refer to a particular geographical locality. For example, the use of the expression ‘Kempsey Aboriginal community’ refers to all the Aboriginal people living in and around Kempsey.

However, it is important to understand that Aboriginal people were forcibly removed from their ancestral lands to live elsewhere. For instance the ‘Kempsey Aboriginal community’ comprises Aboriginal people from many areas of Australia but the traditional owners of the land are the Dunghutti people. Therefore, what non-Aboriginal people see as one Aboriginal community is in fact not necessarily seen as such by Aboriginal people.

Note that an Aboriginal person may belong to more than one community – for example, where they come from, where their family is and where they live or work. The important thing to remember is that in Aboriginal culture a community is first and foremost about country, (extended) family ties and shared experience. Community is about interrelatedness and belonging and is central to Aboriginality.18

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

It is generally acceptable to use the term ‘community’ to refer to Aboriginal people living within a particular geographical location. However, keep in mind the diversity of Aboriginal people within that ‘community’.

If you wish to emphasise the diversity of communities within the one geographical location, use ‘communities’ in the plural form. For example:

✓ Bourke has two distinct Aboriginal communities – the local community

which lives some three kilometres from Bourke in a settlement known as the Alice Edwards Village, and the local population living in Bourke itself.

Country

Description

‘Country’ is a term used to describe a culturally defined area of land associated with a particular, culturally distinct group of people or nation. For example:

✓ Dubbo is in Wiradjuri country.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Use ‘country’ to refer to a particular, culturally defined area of land, such as ‘Wiradjuri country’ or ‘Dunghutti country’.

Elder

Description

The traditional meaning of an Aboriginal Elder is someone who has gained

recognition within their community as a custodian of knowledge and lore, and who has permission to disclose cultural knowledge and beliefs.

Recognised Elders are highly respected people within Aboriginal communities.19

In some instances, Aboriginal people above a certain age will refer to themselves

as Elders. However, it is important to understand that in traditional Aboriginal culture, age alone does not necessarily mean that one is a recognised Elder.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

The use of Elder (upper case) is generally acceptable, but it is important to be aware of the differences in meaning outlined above.

When negotiating with Aboriginal communities, ensure that recognised Elders are involved. This may occur indirectly – for example, a recognised Aboriginal community controlled peak body such as the AH&MRC, or the local ACCHS, may be willing to negotiate with Elders on your behalf.

Be aware that although negotiation with recognised Elders is important, it should not replace negotiation with Aboriginal community organisations, such as an ACCHS.

Mob

Description

‘Mob’ is a term identifying a group of Aboriginal people associated with a particular place or country.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

‘Mob’ is a term that is extremely important to Aboriginal people because it is used to identify who they are and where they are from. ‘Mob’ is generally used by Aboriginal people and between Aboriginal people. Therefore, it may not be appropriate for non-Aboriginal people to use this term unless this is known to be acceptable to Aboriginal people.

Nation

Description

‘Nation’ refers to a culturally distinct group of people associated with a particular, culturally defined area of land or country. Each nation has boundaries that cannot

be changed, and language is tied to that nation and its country.

The Aboriginal NSW map over page is a pictorial study guide prepared by the

Central Mapping Authority of NSW, now known as the Department of Lands,20 in consultation with the Department of Education and the Aboriginal Education

Consultative Group. The map sets out the location of Aboriginal nations within NSW.

Please note that these locations are only approximate and may not be conclusive

in the view of some Aboriginal people.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Use ‘nation’ to refer to a culturally distinct Aboriginal group and its associated country. For example:

✓ The Gumbbayngirr nation is located around the Nambucca Heads area.

Be aware that the boundaries of some Aboriginal nations (eg Yorta Yorta) cross over state boundaries. This has important implications for service delivery and provision, as well as negotiation processes.

the Central Mapping Authority, NSW Department of Lands Source: map supplied courtesy of

Traditional owner

A ‘Traditional owner(s)’ is an Aboriginal person or group of Aboriginal people directly descended from the original Aboriginal inhabitants of a culturally defined area of land or country, and has a cultural association with this country that derives from the traditions, observances, customs, beliefs or history of the original Aboriginal inhabitants of the area.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Use ‘traditional owner(s)’ to refer to an Aboriginal person or group of Aboriginal people as defined above. For example:

✓ In 1998, the NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service handed back Mutawintji

National Park to its traditional owners.

Tribe

Description

Like ‘nation’, a ‘tribe’ refers to a culturally distinct group of people associated with a particular, culturally defined area of land or country.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Be aware that ‘tribe’ has a specific meaning derived from non-Aboriginal societies, and therefore may not necessarily be applicable to Aboriginal culture. Some Aboriginal people use the term and such usage should be respected. If unsure ask the local community for guidance.

Other terms

Assimilation policy

Description

In 1937 the Commonwealth Government convened a conference with the

states where it was officially agreed that the aim for those Aboriginal people not of ‘full-blood’ should be their ultimate absorption into the wider population. This policy, referred to as ‘assimilation’, was designed to solve the ‘Aboriginal problem’ by ensuring that Aboriginal people would lose their identity and culture

within the wider community.

Under the

Sociology homework help

Tell me what you intend to research and write on for your paper. Good topics will be fairly specific. Big topics get overwhelming quickly. The only constraints are that your topic address ethical issues in IT. There are a great many more specific issues related to the big themes of privacy, intellectual property, and security. But you needn’t feel limited strictly to these. There may be worthy philosophical issues to consider regarding AI, for instance, or cyborgs (are we already cyborgs?).

Also tell me what’s on your mind at this point concerning potential sources. It would be a good idea to read a few things as you are refining your topic plans. Manageable clear discussion of specific issues typically start with some review of an ongoing conversation in print. Think of yourself as joining into that conversation, but only after you’ve listened enough to gain a sense for what might be worth contributing. 

There is no length requirement for this step. I just want to make sure you are onto a manageable project before you get in too deep.

Sociology homework help

Structuring Scholarly Papers

James Goggans

Trident University

Instructor: Dr. Maria Luque

MHS504 Scholarly Writing in the Health Sciences

8 May 2022

Authors’ Thesis

The authors’ thesis is that while some studies have found no differences between hospital and home birthing in terms of fetal deaths, neonatal births, and low Apgar scores, recent reports indicate adverse effects of neonatal outcomes associated with home birth. The thesis appears towards the end of the abstract; this is the study’s argument sought to prove or disapprove. The researchers concluded that home birth is associated with positive experiences and outcomes if clear procedures and guidelines are followed.

Paragraph 3

The main point of the third paragraph is that home birth is attracting media, professional organizations, and research attention. The authors give an example of the Royal College of Midwives and Obstetricians and Gynecologists that issued a joint statement that supports home birth for women who are less vulnerable to complications associated with childbirth. The authors also use the example of a publication from the National Institute for Health and Care in the UK, which poses that birthing at home is safer and requires fewer interventions than birthing in the hospital.

Paragraph 5

The fifth paragraph emphasizes that the risks and benefits of home birth to mothers are equally important as the benefits and risks to the infants. In this paragraph, the authors say that most studies focus on infant outcomes, and little attention is given to issues such as morbidity and mortality of mothers. In this paragraph, the author emphasizes that there is a need to address these issues and maternal satisfaction issues to ascertain the overall effectiveness of home birth. The author mentions that this study reviews the risks and benefits of home birth to both the infant and the mother.

Paragraph 7

Paragraph 7 focuses on the search strategy used to develop relevant studies and publications for the review. The author says that all the sources were published in the last ten years in terms of currency. The search engines used were ProQuest, CINAHL, and PubMed. The search terms included out of hospital birth, homebirth, and home birth. The authors also mention that the search was limited to publications in English, and only scholarly journals were searched. After getting the sources, the author mentions that they were reviewed to ensure they were relevant to the topic and excluded all sources that did not contain relevant information.

Authors’ Conclusion

The authors conclude that while there is inconclusive evidence related to the neonatal outcomes related to planned home birth, it is clear that there are minimal or no risks associated with home birth if there are effective guidelines and systems in place. Women who implement planned home birth are less likely to experience complications and unnecessary intervention. These women also have enhanced experience at home because they give birth in a home setting that they are familiar with and a more comfortable environment than the hospital. The authors add that home birth should be available to low-risk women and can be made more effective by having policies to support the integration of home birth into the maternal system.

Reference

Zielinski, R., Ackerson, K., & Low, L. K. (2015). Planned home birth: benefits, risks, and opportunities. International journal of women’s health7, 361.

Sociology homework help

The Australian Journal of Indigenous Education

Volume 43

Number 1

pp. 58–72

C© The Authors 2014

doi 10.1017/jie.2014.8

Four Scholars Speak to Navigating the Complexities of Naming in Indigenous Studies

Bronwyn Carlson, 1 Jeff Berglund, 2 Michelle Harris3 and Evan Te Ahu Poata-Smith1 1 Indigenous Studies Unit, Faculty of Law, Humanities and the Arts, University of Wollongong, Wollongong, New South Wales, Australia 2 Ethnic Studies and Applied Indigenous Studies, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff, Arizona, USA 3 Department of Sociology and Social Work, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff, Arizona, USA

Universities in Australia are expanding their Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies programs to include Indigenous populations from around the globe. This is also the case for the Indigenous Studies Unit at the University of Wollongong (UOW). Although systems of nomenclature in Indigenous Studies seek to be respectful of difference, the politics of naming in the global context raises some complexities worthy of discussion. In this article, four scholars discuss the politics of naming in relation to teaching a joint Indigenous Studies subject at the UOW and Northern Arizona University.

Keywords: Indigeneity, language use, terminology, nomenclature

Background

In 2011, the Aboriginal Studies program at the Univer sity of Wollongong (UOW) was renamed to Indigenous Studies in a move to expand its focus to include Indige nous populations from around the globe. The new global focus led to the development of new curriculum and the incorporation of global Indigenous perspectives into some existing content. A new first-year undergraduate subject was developed that focused on Indigenous knowledge globally, and the Indigenous Studies team expanded to include a Māori scholar. Although the teaching team has always included non-Aboriginal members, the label ‘non Aboriginal’ now included an Indigenous person from another country. Building on the expansion of the pro gram, members of the Indigenous Studies team established The Forum for Indigenous Research Excellence (FIRE). FIRE is a global research group whose members are based anywhere in the world; each maintains an active involve ment and/or interest in research activities in an Indige nous context. Resources in regard to terminology and Indigenous peoples can also be found on the FIRE website (http://lha.uow.edu.au/hsi/research/fire/index.html).

Members of the Indigenous Studies team at UOW have been working with scholars from Northern Ari zona University (NAU) for the past 5 years. This rela tionship includes both teaching and research projects that have focused on global Indigenous identity, and has resulted in a range of outcomes, including an edited vol

ume, The Politics of Identity: Emerging Indigeneity (Harris,

Carlson, & Poata-Smith, 2013) and a collaborative cur riculum project. In 2013, scholars from UOW spent time at NAU collaborating on the development of a second year undergraduate Indigenous Studies subject, ‘Indige nous Identities in a Global Context’. The aim of the subject is to explore critical issues in contemporary global Indi geneity, and it will be taught at both UOW and NAU. The group was also successful in their application for an International Links Grant (UOW) to reconvene the group in 2014. This will allow the development of curriculum resources to support the delivery of the subject. While the Indigenous Studies program at UOW is firmly anchored in the experiences of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, we believe that including global Indigenous per spectives, content and epistemologies will enrich our cur riculum. With the adoption of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples led by the United Nations General Assembly in 2007, and the establishment of The United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, students need to be better prepared to engage with the ongoing global issues related to Indigenous economic and social development, cultures, the environment, education, health, identities, and human rights.

ADDRESS FOR CORRESPONDENCE: Bronwyn Carlson, Indigenous Studies Unit, Faculty of Law, Humanities and the Arts, University of Wollongong, Wollongong NSW 2522, Australia Email: bcarlson@uow.edu.au.

Introduction

Names are more than just a title or designation; they can and do convey powerful messages through the meanings attached to them. Some commonly used terms affiliated with Indigenous peoples bear the troubling legacy of colo nialism. Other terms have existed from time immemorial. And while the meanings of all names are unstable and often ambiguous, they convey powerful imagery and form the cornerstone of our identities. Ethnic labels, whether they emerge from within or outside of groups, also serve the function of establishing particular populations as different from one another. In subtle ways, therefore, labelling com munities suggests an alliance in terms of shared interests, a sense of cooperation, and ties to a common tradition or heritage. A sense of identity is built by contrasting one’s self with others: this can occur at the individual or group level. Contrastive roles help to build a sense of self and cement group loyalty.

Language is not a neutral or unproblematic medium. Indeed, language embodies the contested social norms and values that are embedded in the society in which we live. As Ransome (2010) points out: ‘The language social actors use during their internal conversations is socially constructed and as such it uses ideas and concepts that have been communally produced within society’ (p. 211). For this reason, it is important to focus on how language can be used to structure and limit our ideas and understandings of the world around us.

Scholars have long highlighted how discourses of class, gender, sexuality, ‘race’ and empire pathologise, marginalise and subjugate whole categories of human ity. Feminist scholars, for instance, have highlighted the way language has tended to encode male worldviews, by helping to subordinate women or to render them invisi ble, or by taking male experiences as the norm (Cameron, 1985; Haslanger, 1995; MacKinnon, 1989, 1993; Moul ton, 1981a, 1981b; Spender, 1985). Analyses of racist dis course in Australia and New Zealand reveal two consis tent attributes of language used by respondents: (1) it is organised rhetorically to avoid the attribution of racism; and (2) it undermines and deflects Indigenous demands for sovereignty, justice, and equity (Augoustinos, Tuffin, & Rapley, 1999; Augoustinos, Tuffin, & Sale, 1999; Wetherell & Potter, 1992).

The way language may both reflect and (re)produce unequal relations of power has a particular resonance for those interested in Indigenous Studies. How has lan guage (such as the choice of terminology) been used his torically to limit understandings of Indigenous histories, knowledges, experiences and social realities? How is lan guage used today to name, categorise and marginalise Indigenous communities? It is important to remember that discourses are emergent products of human con sciousness: they are ways of talking about and interpret ing the world. They are, however, inert, and by definition cannot possess agency and the capacity to act in the world. It is important to emphasise, therefore, that it is not dis courses that impose particular interpretations of the world on individuals and groups, but social actors. The ten sions between actors and the particular discourses they articulate are concretely negotiated in particular historical settings.

Our goal in this article is to consider the challenges of conveying the nuances and complexities of naming, and more specifically nomenclature, when teaching subjects that have a global Indigenous focus. As being Indigenous is increasingly acquiring a more globalised focus, terms such ‘indigenous’ and ‘indigeneity’ are taking precedence over other more localised identifiers (Merlan, 2009), as discussed throughout by each author. As Merlan (2009) notes, ‘indigeneity’ has come to presuppose a sphere of commonality among those who form a world collectivity of ‘indigenous peoples’ (p. 303). While ‘indigeneity’ has different values in different contexts, it also provides a basis for participation in global institutions, such as the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. There is, arguably, a sense of solidarity among Indigenous peoples globally, particularly when the history of colonisation and marginalisation is similar.

Although we determined to follow current trends in the wake of the U.N. Declaration, we also understand that local and regional histories need to be recognised and valued. Thus, we asked ourselves, what terminology is appropriate when speaking about multiple groups of Indigenous/Aboriginal/First Nations/Native peoples? And what of the students who will undoubtedly be of varied cultural backgrounds, including Indigenous peoples? How will they respond to the various terms and labels used to refer to them?

As our collaborative group began discussions about the new subject, which is globally Indigenous in scope, it became apparent that there was much to consider in relation to terminology. What terms should we use that would be inclusive and respectful while also acknowledg ing that what ‘being’ Indigenous means or entails is differ ent according to local histories, laws and circumstances? We even needed to make decisions about capitalisation. Throughout this article we have followed the convention of capitalising the word ‘Indigenous’, when it references, broadly, a proper name for a people. This custom is in keeping with usage by the United Nations. While it may be a custom in the Australian context to use capitalised ‘Indigenous’ to refer to Aboriginal Australians and Tor res Strait Islanders, and lower-case ‘indigenous’ to refer to peoples outside of Australia, we depart from that conven tion to demonstrate the complications that emerge when doing transglobal comparative work. Moreover, capital ‘I’ in one case versus another assumes a centring norm (in this case, Australia) and we eschew that. Our usage acknowledges the need for a portable, transglobal term that still exists alongside meaningful and contextually

specific nomenclature germane to local cultures, histo- Māori ries and politics. Co-author Poata-Smith’s section below

summarises critiques of the globalising usage of the term ‘Indigenous’.

Our early discussions only touched on these issues and we are determined to explore these complexities more fully in this article. Early on, we recognised that the multiple valences of the term ‘Indian’ would need to be probed as its global circulation has perpetuated stereotypes and misunderstandings. Similarly, we recognised that the term ‘Native’, used with great frequency in the North American context, is incredibly vexed in other contexts, as is the term ‘tribe’. We also recognised that the terms ‘Alaskan Native’ and ‘Native Hawaiian’ might demand explanation in ways that might parallel distinctions that exist among ‘Aborig inal peoples’ and ‘Torres Strait Islanders’. Similarly, in the Australian context, the antiquated and unfavourable term ‘aborigine’ deserves discussion as it continues to circu late in historical texts and is satirised in contemporary contexts, including the Australian blockbuster film Bran Nue Dae (2009). In addition to terms such as ‘mob’ and ‘country’ and regional terms for cultural language groups, we recognised that the terms ‘Whitefella’ and ‘Blackfella’ might present some challenges to students, particularly from the United States, who are familiar with the term ‘Black’ in non-Indigenous contexts, seeing the word as synonymous with ‘African American’ or ‘African’, depend ing on the situation.

Finally, and despite our common thinking that the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples would be instrumental in establishing conflu ences and parallels in a subject such as the one we are designing, we recognise that there is resistance to the term ‘Indigenous’ among some groups. It was out of these varied discussions that we took note of a profound ten sion that would remain at the centre of any subject on global Indigeneity: while Indigenous people are active in the global context, and while comparisons can be made among Indigenous peoples from different corners of the globe, Indigenous identities are foundationally anchored in the local.

In the following section, four scholars speak of nav igating the complexities of racial and ethnic labels in their respective context: Australia, New Zealand, and the United States. What can be gleaned from the discus sion that follows is that nomenclature evolves; nomencla ture is responsive to local traditions and contemporary needs; nomenclature can be empowering; nomencla ture is political; nomenclature is linked to power struc tures; and nomenclature continues to be used to oppress, diminish and control. In popular and academic arenas, unfavourable terms continue to be used, further shoring up regimes of power. It is our aim to teach our students to interrupt this flow of misinformation and to develop a responsive repertoire of critical dexterity regarding the multiple and varied realities of Indigenous peoples.

Evan Poata-Smith

As a Māori scholar who has taught in Aotearoa/New Zealand, Australia and the United States, I am very con scious of the ongoing controversies associated with the categorisation and naming of Indigenous communities in different global settings. The categories and names that are applied to Indigenous communities are, of course, located within the dominant institutional practices and discourses of particular societies at particular points in space and time. In this sense, the differences in terminol ogy not only reflect the historical, linguistic and political conventions and protocols of particular national settings, but also the specific trajectories of Indigenous struggles against the imposition of colonial categories and names. It is important to recognise that on a global scale, Indige nous people may live in different colonial and Indigenous systems and therefore have ‘ . . . different kinds of experi ence with colonialism and different possibilities for decol onization’ (Smith, 1999, p. 70). As such, the names and categories are contested both within Indigenous commu nities and between them. Contemporary Māori identities, for instance, have been constituted amid a flow of com peting discourses about what it means to be a member of iwi, hapū and/or urban Māori communities. Iwi, hapū and whānau are the basic social units of Māori society and are based on descent from common ancestors. The word ‘iwi’ (which is often mistranslated as ‘tribe’) refers to the widest of possible descent categories. ‘Hapū’ consti tute narrower descent groups made up of related ‘whānau’ (extended family groupings). The negotiation and rene gotiation of contemporary Māori identities is a contested process in the sense that it involves claiming and resist ing identities from within a set of prevailing discourses about the authenticity of particular Indigenous categories (Poata-Smith, 2013).

While Indigenous Studies scholars insist that the his torical and contemporary experiences of colonialism by Indigenous individuals and communities are not homo geneous, we confront a number of issues particularly when searching for the vocabulary to identify and describe the common experiences of Indigenous people on a global scale (Coates, 2004). Niezen (2003) makes the point that it is ironic that the use of the singular category ‘indigenous people’ has become so entrenched as a way of describing the existence of significant human diversity, when, in his view, it is actually predicated on uniformity of experience that is more often than not expressed through mecha nisms of law and bureaucracy — the very ‘culprits most commonly associated with the steady gains of cultural uniformity’ (p. 2).

While there is a risk that such a category may too easily gloss over significant cultural, political and social differences, in my experience Indigenous scholars generally recognise and acknowledge those differences.

Furthermore, it should be remembered that colonial states have a long history of ignoring and disregarding the sig nificant differences that exist among the Indigenous com munities they have subjugated — regardless of how those communities have chosen to categorise themselves.

In Aotearoa/New Zealand there has also been a strong rejection of English terms and linguistic conventions to describe Māori identities, geographical features, and expe riences. This has been expressed in the struggles over geo graphical names of mountains, rivers, place names, and other significant sites that were renamed after British peo ple and places to create a sense of ‘home’ and proclaim membership of the British Empire (Greenland, 1991; Smith, 1999). Although the legacy of colonialism con tinues to be embodied — for example, in street names, monuments, architecture, libraries, museum collections and the flows of commodities, images and people — this has emerged as a site of ongoing struggle for Māori.

Much attention has focused on the role of the New Zealand Geographic Board (Ngā Pou Taunaha o Aotearoa), which is the statutory body that assigns offi cial names to New Zealand places and features (such as mountains and rivers, as well as settlements and localities). Since 2008, there has been a legislative requirement that the Board collect original Māori place names, seek advice from Te Taura Whiri i te Reo Māori (Māori Language Commission) on correct orthography of Maori names, and encourage the use of original Māori place names on official maps and charts (New Zealand Geographic Board

Nga Pou Taunaha o Aotearoa Act 2008).

Demands for the restoration of original Māori place names are also often an integral part of the settlements negotiated between individual tribes and the Crown under the Treaty Waitangi. For instance, when the South Island iwi, Ngāi Tahu, successfully negotiated the Ngāi Tahu set tlement with the government of New Zealand, 96 place names were specified for alterations. The majority of these changes have involved the adoption of official dual names in both Māori and English. For example, Mount Cook is now listed as Aoraki/Mount Cook. Many names, including those changed by the Ngāi Tahu settlement, now appear on New Zealand maps in this sort of dual format (McKinnon, 2013).

There has been a reaction against the imposition of colonial terminology at a more personal level, too. For instance, as a corrective to Christian baptism practices that encouraged the adoption of English Christian names and family names, there has been a renaissance in Māori naming practices (Smith, 1999). As Smith notes, ‘Indige nous names carried histories of people, places and events’ (1999, p. 157), and the practice of naming children with long ancestral names, in addition to taking on new names through life, has been reasserted by many Māori families.

Finally, there have been intensive struggles over how te reo Māori (the Māori language) and Māori language con cepts have been applied in English language contexts (Te

Taura Whiri i te Reo Māori/Māori Language Commission, 2012). In addition to demands for the correct pronunci ation of Māori words and place names and the adoption of certain conventions to indicate vowel length, there has been a focus on the best practices for spelling and writing in Māori. Some New Zealand newspaper editors and pub lishing houses, for instance, have insisted on pluralising Māori words by attaching an ‘s’ to Māori language terms in English language publications. In Māori, however, tense and plurality are indicated by separate words. Because of this, many of those involved in language revitalisation programs insist that Māori words used in written English contexts be subject to the grammatical rules of the Māori language, which do not make use of the plural suffix ‘s’.

There have also been controversial debates over the use of, and capitalisation of, the word ‘Pākehā’. ‘Pākehā’ is a Māori language term applied to the descendants of British settlers whose cultural values and behaviour have been primarily formed from the experiences of being in New Zealand. This term is rejected, often strongly, by those either uncomfortable with the Indigenous cultural renais sance that has taken place in New Zealand since the late 1960s and early 1970s, and/or threatened by the politi cal demands of Māori for self-determination (Fleras & Spoonley, 1999). Some commentators have even main tained (erroneously) that the word ‘Pākehā’ should be rejected because it implies something derogatory (Pearson & Sissons, 1997). There has also been a significant reac tion against those who profess to being Pākehā and the cultural politics of the 1980s that encouraged such self identification (e.g., Bedggood, 1997; Fleras & Spoonley, 1999; Pearson & Sissons, 1997). Callister (2004) notes, for instance, that one of the most common complaints to New Zealand’s former Race Relations Office was from people objecting to being labelled ‘Pakeha’.

The examples that I have highlighted above reflect the naming protocols and conventions that have evolved in a context in which there are established (albeit con tested) systems of meaning. This creates an interesting challenge for those of us working in global Indigenous contexts where different sets of conventions apply. This highlights the importance of recognising that the connec tions between language, power and resistance occur in specific historical and societal contexts.

This, of course, points to the importance of under standing New Zealand’s specific historical context. The use of the noun ‘Māori’ as a self-referential term and as a means to categorise and describe the Indigenous inhab itants of New Zealand is relatively recent in origin. As an adjective, the word ‘Māori’ means ‘normal’, ‘usual’, or ‘ordinary’ and was used historically to describe any thing in its natural state. As an adverb, the word ‘Māori’ means ‘freely’, ‘without restraint’, and ‘without ceremony’ (William, 1992, p. 179).

Although there is some evidence that the term ‘Māori’ was in use prior to 1815 to describe the quality of being ‘native’ or belonging to New Zealand, early European set tlers, traders, and explorers invariably spoke of ‘Natives’, ‘Aboriginals’, or ‘Indians’. These were, of course, well rehearsed categories that had emerged as the lingua franca of European colonial encounters with Indigenous peoples globally.

With the legal and statutory recognition of New Zealand as an independent sovereign territory outside British dominion in 1817, many colonial administra tors, missionaries and settlers simply referred to the local inhabitants by the more generic label ‘New Zealanders’ (McLintock, 1966). This became more problematic with the annexation of New Zealand as a formal British set tler colony in 1840 and the subsequent rapid influx of predominantly British settlers. The term ‘New Zealander’ would no longer remain the preserve of Indigenous com munities.

From the mid-19th century, the word ‘Māori’ was increasingly used as a noun to differentiate the Indigenous inhabitants of Aotearoa/New Zealand from the new Euro pean arrivals (Williams, 1971, p. 179). One of the earliest documented examples of the use of the word ‘Māori’ in this way in written English dates from the 1850s (Cooper, 1851, p. 204). In this sense, the notion of a ‘Māori race’ or people co-existed with, and eventually superseded, other official British Colonial Office descriptors employed in the New Zealand context (although the more pejorative and widely used ‘Native’ continued to be employed in offi cial State business). In fact, it was not until 1947 with the introduction of the Māori Purposes Act that the Depart ment responsible for the administration of Indigenous affairs in New Zealand changed its nomenclature from the Department of Native Affairs to the Department of Māori Affairs.

Some have responded to the evolution of a sense of Māori ethnicity by claiming that it represents an ‘invention of tradition’ that is not a natural product of an essentially tribal people. The idea that authentic Māori identities are essentially iwi-based identities has been articulated by a number of prominent Māori leaders. Sometimes such an argument involves a suspicion about the state’s historical encouragement of pan-tribalism and the cultural homo geneity that is implicit in the concept of ‘Māori ethnicity’ (e.g., Rangihau, 1992; O’Regan, as cited in Melbourne, 1995).

The significant upsurge in Māori protest and resis tance from the late 1960s onwards has seen a greater focus on challenging the legacies of colonial categories. This has involved reclaiming the power to define who Māori are by emphasising the significance of ‘whakapapa’ (the genealogical connections of individuals and groups to particular ancestors) rather than the imposition of racial categories based on phenotypical characteristics (usually skin colour) or blood quantum. Although assumptions about the physical characteristics and traits associated with being Māori continue to shape social interactions in wider

New Zealand society, the political context is obviously dif ferent for Indigenous communities internationally where categories based on blood quantum still exert a profound influence on governance arrangements (Sissons, 2005, p. 43).

Native American

Jeff Berglund

I teach Indigenous literature and film in the southwestern United States at Northern Arizona University, which is nearby the most populous Indian reservation, the Navajo Nation. The state of Arizona is home to 22 federally recog nised sovereign Indian nations. Despite the proximity to these Indigenous cultures and communities, the majority of my students have never had open discussions about nomenclature and the history of different naming prac tices. During a discussion of terminology in a past subject, one of my students noted:

I have always tried to be careful with racial and ethnic labels as it is a sensitive issue for many people. However, I have always been unsure about correct terminology when it comes to Native American cultures. A good friend of mine is Navajo and says that his tribe refers to themselves as ‘First Peoples’ and prefer this term over ‘American Indian’ or ‘Native American’. ‘First Peoples’ just doesn’t seem like an appropriate term to use in an academic setting; should I stick to more general terms like ‘Native American’ or ‘American Indian’?

This student’s questions are the rule rather than the excep tion, and year after year I contend with similar sorts of volleys regarding appropriate nomenclature. Despite my students’ concern about the term ‘First Peoples’, it is not inappropriate, and is, in fact, a term that is used with increasing frequency, especially among historians and within museum studies. My sense is that the term is kin to ‘First Australians’ and, in Canada, to ‘First Nations’. Of these terms, ‘First Nations’ is used regularly as a modifier to define the work of Indigenous people from Canada. For example, ‘First Nations literature’, ‘First Nations filmmaker’, or ‘First Nations Studies’, and so forth (htpp://indigenousfoundations.arts.ubc.ca).

The questions about terminology are even more com plex when I move into a comparative situation in my subject on trans-global Indigenous cinema that looks at films in Australia, New Zealand and the United States. The term ‘Blackfella’, as my co-author, Harris, notes, is particularly confusing for U.S.-based students. For exam ple, in teaching a film such as Wayne Blair’s The Sapphires (2012), understanding the Australian context is crucial in parsing the relevance of particular terms. Indigenous Aus tralian characters are referred to as ‘Blackfellas’ or ‘Blacks’; but, when Indigenous Australian characters travel outside of Australia to entertain troops during the Vietnam War, they meet U.S.-enlisted African American men who refer to themselves as ‘Black’. Similar distinctions are vital when discussing Rachel Perkin’s Freedom Ride (1993) with its contextualising parallels with the U.S. Civil Rights Move ment. While I discuss nomenclature in all of my American Indian-focused subjects, the complexity of navigating ter minology increases in manifold ways in subjects on global Indigeneities.

In the context of the United States, ‘American Indian’ and ‘Native American’ are the most commonly used terms to refer to Indigenous peoples living in the boundaries of the continental United States. In these 48 states, there exist over 566 federally recognised tribes. While the fed eral government determines official recognition of tribes, it remands control of tribal enrolment and membership to the tribal nation itself. In many cases, though, dominant national notions of ‘race’ and ‘blood quantum’ determine enrolment policies, thus indirectly controlling how tribal nations determine membership. Members of these tribal sovereign nations are recognised for census purposes as ‘American Indian’, the term used by the U.S. federal gov ernment. Since 1924’s Indian Citizenship Act, American Indian people are United States citizens. ‘American Indian’ is the term used by the United States federal government and major academic organisations and their affiliated journals, giving credence to its use in academic situations. A few examples illustrate this trend: key journals consist of American Indian Quarterly, American Indian Culture & Research Journal and Studies in American Indian Literature. In the state of Arizona, Arizona State University, one of the largest universities in the United States, houses the Amer ican Indian Studies Department, as does the University of Arizona. AISA, the American Indian Studies Association, is also a key organisation linking academic units across many institutions.

Clearly, there’s no fixed consensus on appropriate ter minology, as a frequent alternative to ‘American Indian’ is ‘Native American’, a term that came into usage in the 1960s and 1970s, signalling an evolution away from the term ‘Indian’. In contrast to the naming practices in insti tutions and organisations listed above, Northern Arizona University houses the Department of Applied Indige nous Studies, and under non-academic arenas features the Native American Cultural Center, Native American Stu dent Services and the Commission for Native Americans. A major international organisation known by the acronym NAISA struggled with the challenges of nomenclature and finally approved its name, Native American and Indige nous Studies Association. The Native American Literature Symposium (NALS) has employed this term for well over a decade, as well. Thus, the modifier ‘Native’, always capi talised, is an acceptable usage in the United States, and it is common to hear academics speaking of Native history, Native literature, and Native culture. By contrast, the word ‘Native’ in an Australian or New Zealand contexts has neg ative implications and generally should not be substituted in the place of ‘Indigenous’, despite its status as a syn onym in North American. In Australia and New Zealand, the word ‘Native’ or ‘native’ connotes something closer to ‘savage’ or ‘heathen’, as it is intimately connected to the colonialist clichés ‘the natives are restless’ or ‘going native’.

Indigenous peoples living on the land and waters o

Sociology homework help

Week 5 dq2 response 5 449

Kenyetta Patterson

Hello Professor and class,

The two cases I chose for the discussion were Hanging with Hailey and Carl case study. In Hanging with Hailey I chose the genogram and sociogram. The reason for my choice was because Hailey suffers from isolation, depression and poor health (eating). The geniogram tool in Hailey’s allow clients to explain their current circumstances that they might struggle with to speak openly about. In Hailey’s case she suffers from depression due to the loss of her father from Cancer and the disengagement from her friends no longer interacting with her. The Sociogram tool Hailey can benefit from because she continues to be isolated within a group.

Carl suffers from substance abuse and depression. This stems from his recent car accident and his addiction to the pain killers the doctors prescribed which then led him to the abuse of heroin. Then losing his job and had to move in with family because he can no longer afford to pay for his apartment. The STBI tool would benefit Carl because this tool assesses the severity of substance use and identifies the severity the appropriate level of treatment. The intervention focuses on increasing awareness regarding substance use and motivation.

Kenyetta Patterson


https://creately.com/blog/diagrams/social-work-assessment-tools-templates/

https://www.samhsa.gov/sbirt

Sociology homework help

Module 2: Engaging Groups, Communities, and
Organizations

Definitions of Engagement
True to our ongoing commitment to critically deconstructing the terms we use in social work,

let’s explore the different domains of meaning that are implied in the term engagement. Probably

the first thing we think of when we consider engagement is a professional skill to be learned

during our education as social workers. We see engagement as the first stage in a social worker-

client relationship. We understand that without successful engagement, the other stages

(assessment, intervention, and evaluation) will not be successful either. And when we consider

how to be effective at engagement, we think of interrelated components, such as those necessary

conditions identified by Carl Rogers (1957) in his research-informed practice:

1. Congruence: the willingness to transparently relate to clients without hiding behind a
professional or personal facade.

2. Unconditional positive regard: the therapist offers an acceptance and prizing for their
client for who he or she is without conveying disapproving feelings, actions or

characteristics and demonstrating a willingness to attentively listen without interruption,

judgement or giving advice.

3. Empathy: the therapist communicates their desire to understand and appreciate their
client’s perspective.

This view of engagement is not wrong. Without these conditions or skills, we can’t hope to

connect with our clients and win their trust. But one crucial contribution of the field of social

work is its recognition that all human relationships are embedded in unequal power dynamics

and cultural frictions. We may do more harm than good if we blithely assume that our good will

and lack of negative judgments are enough to telegraph to clients that we are “on their side.”

Instead, we can think of engagement against the backdrop of specific histories of oppression. To

do so we need learn these histories, to understand, for example, how redlining has prevented the

healthy development of a certain Black neighborhood; or how the U.S. government’s placement

of the Navajo reservation surrounding the Hopi mesas created longstanding conflicts over

resources that diverted attention from a lack of federal investment in either tribe.

To clients, we often represent both threat and possibility. The institution of social work has

always served two masters: the marginalized/vulnerable/colonized/oppressed/other, and the

welfare state. On the one hand, the modern welfare state came about as an answer to the cruelties

of unfettered market-based economics and cultural values favoring individual freedoms over

mutual responsibilities. Social workers were instrumental in advocating for and designing the

network of policies that theoretically act as a social safety net. Yet, as discussed in the first half

of advanced practicum, social workers have also been the designated implementers of social

policies that are at best compromises between said economics and values, and a more truly

collective approach to our common welfare.

Why is all this macro-level background important to keep in mind when meeting a client?

Because consciousness of your role within the larger historical context will help you have an

accurate empathic understanding of the people you meet. Being aware of how they may feel

about social services, which have the power to take and withhold and well as the power to give,

will allow you to pick up on signals of ambivalence and distrust. These signals will often be

indirect, because members of oppressed communities are in the unenviable position of having to

present themselves as willing participants in services in order to gain the providers’ good will,

even as they maintain vigilance against social control. In fact, it may be unethical to make too

sharp a distinction between voluntary and involuntary services. Even when help-seeking is

initiated by clients, there is a compulsory element. Often, they would not have taken the risks of

engaging with an agency unless desperate, and their desperation is often the result of failures or

deliberate policies of other institutions that look and sound a lot like yours, complete with

acronyms and bland institutional architecture. Being aware of this potential backdrop can spur

you to emphasize your humanity and the humanity of your client even more strongly, and to

acknowledge the impersonal aspects of the agency and the help-seeking process.

Guiding Metaphors for Engagement
How we engage with clients is often based on guiding metaphors or schemas we carry around

unconsciously. One assumptive framework that helpers often and mistakenly bring to

engagement is the Drama Triangle of perpetrator, victim, and rescuer (Thomas, 2007). The social

worker, is, of course, the rescuer in this framework. The perpetrator may be the client’s abusive

partner, parent, or an organization that the client finds oppressive, like a payday lender or a

megabank with unscrupulous practices. Yet the roles can easily change. If the social worker must

report dangerous behavior and invoke social control, such as arrest, foster care, or involuntary

psychiatric hospitalization, then suddenly the social worker goes from rescuer to perpetrator in

the mind of the client. Or if the client, trying to safeguard their economic well-being or family

unity, lies to the social worker about their income or parenting practices, then the social worker

may feel manipulated and become the victim. It’s even possible that the client becomes the

rescuer, as when an idealistic social worker is viewed as needing protection from grim realities

or when the client feels obliged to educate the social worker about cultural truths.

What framework would be more helpful to effective engagement, and less likely to fall into a

paradigm that replicates unhealthy power relationships? Think back to your immersion

experience working with the hypothetical scenario involving Louisa and her aunt and uncle, as

well as your supervisor. One quality that applies to every participant is in-betweenness. Louisa is

caught in between her feelings for her boyfriend and her desire to not upset her relatives who are

acting as foster parents. They are caught between their support for Louisa’s happiness and their

fear for her safety. You are caught in the same ways and are also situated between Louisa and

her aunt and uncle, as a mediator. Not only that, but you are in between your supervisor and your

clients, seeking to explain your thinking to the former, get feedback, and translate that feedback

into practice.

On a macro level, everyone involved is also in-between: powerful institutions like the

educational system, the criminal justice system, the immigration and naturalization system and

the child welfare system may all exert support and/or control over the lives of Louisa and her

family. And don’t forget the institutions that govern you in this immersion experience: on a

hypothetical level, your field agency, and on a real level, your university, which is in turn

governed by the Council for Social Work Education.

Overwhelmed yet? And this is just a made-up situation! But fear not. The truth is, we have

abundant experience at being in-between. Our lives are inherently made up of these mutually

mediating relationships, where shifts in the needs and wants of the different stakeholders demand

a response in real time. The more of this interdependence we recognize and understand, the more

skillful our responses become. And the engagement framework of “being in-between” has

several advantages over that of “Perpetrator-Victim-Rescuer.”

1. When we recognize that we are in-between, involved from the get-go in mediated
relationships among self, clients, agency, organizations, and historic inequalities, then

we communicate differently. We acknowledge our own role in mediating these forces

and the vulnerabilities and strengths we must respect in playing this role.

2. When we recognize that our clients are in-between, we can help them see their options in
mediating their own relationships with each other and with the institutions and

community partners that influence them. We frame the social problems that clients bring

in terms of the pushes and pulls they experience and share.

3. When we see how we are all in-between together, yet in different positions vis-a-vis
power and privilege, we understand the importance of aligning ourselves with those

pushes and pulls that stand to support client well-being and development, as well as the

important of pushing back against those forces that stand to undermine such well-being

and development.

4. Another result of being “in-between together” is that we convey authentic solidarity with
our clients. From our own lived experience of being in-between, we know how complex

it is to fulfill our roles and meet our mutual responsibilities in a world that is often

organized to undermine that fulfillment.

5. From the perspective of in-between-ness, we can better appreciate the social nature of
meaning-making. We can participate in that process by helping our clients observe how

they are constructing their stories and by extending those stories to include the

underlying love, care, hurt, injustice, helplessness, intelligence, wisdom, perseverance,

courage, loss, and healing that happen when we live in between.

6. By knowing we are located in between our clients and our agency (with its policies,
culture, supervision, and teamwork), we can better interpret and navigate our roles. At

different points we may act as translators, advocates, integrators, coaches, investigators,

and defenders.

Practice Exercise
Let’s imagine that your practicum experience includes clients mandated for treatment,
whom you see at a county jail. For example, partners found guilty of domestic violence
(now referred to more commonly in research literature as Intimate Partner Violence) are
often required to participate in anger management groups as a condition of release. You
are holding your first group meeting today. Having read each participant’s file, you
expect a range of levels of personal accountability. How would you respond to each
group participant’s statement in a way that deepened individual and group
engagement? Remember, on the way to a working relationship the three stages of
engagement are receptivity, expectancy, and investment. These stages apply to groups
as well as to individuals and families. The difference is that these stages apply both
individually and to the group as a whole. Within the group there will be leaders and
followers: those who buy in sooner, and those who are more ambivalent. Review each
group member statement below, and think about how you can utilize the power of the
group itself in your responses.

Group Engagement

1. Group Member Statement: “This is bullshit. It takes two to tango. Every time I
lost my temper, she pushed and pushed until I couldn’t help it.”

Your Response:“You’re right, it does take two to tango. I’m sure a lot of people
in this room have similar experiences. We’ll look at what pushes each of your
buttons and what choices you have when that happens. When we get to that
part of the conversation, would you be okay with sharing what she does that
makes it hard for you to control yourself?”

2. Group Member Statement: “I’m just here to get my card checked and get out of
here. I’ve already learned my lesson.”

Your Response:“It sounds like you feel pretty confident that you won’t repeat
the same mistakes. I wonder if other group members might benefit from your
experience. How did you learn your lesson?”

3. Group Member Statement: “What do you know about real life? You look like
you’re about 15 years old. Go out and get roughed up a little, and then see if
you have something to teach me.”

Your Response:“You have every right to doubt my ability to help you. That’s
one reason we do this in groups. My job isn’t to dispense advice about how you
should live your life. It’s more about setting up the rules and the topics so you
can help each other.”

4. Group Member Statement: Hey, guys. You won’t believe what the guard told
me last night. So juicy! Your Response: “It sounds like you have a great story

to tell, but I’m going to ask you to hold off until the group is over. We could
easily tell stories for the whole two hours, and I’m sure you’re not the only one
with a good one, but if we don’t stick to the mission you won’t get off probation
and you won’t learn what you need to stay off. Speaking of which, that’s my first
question for each of you: Why are you here?”

As you can see, as a group facilitator entering into a subculture with different rules of
engagement, you have to find a way to create strong group norms without alienating the
members. Every response you make tells the members what kind of group you are
hoping to create. While establishing roles can be collaborative, in group settings much
of this work is done during group screening and orientation. By the time the first group
meeting is held, there should be an intellectual agreement as to the purpose of the
group, based on the goals of the members (even if those goals are simply to conform
with requirements). The first two or three sessions are then devoted to converting this
intellectual agreement into an emotional investment.

Summary
In this second week of our focus on engagement, we have gone beyond individual and
family engagement to learn about how to apply the same principles to engaging groups,
communities, and organizations. We have challenged you to be alert for the impulse to
be a rescuer, and instead see yourself as a bridge, connecting clients to their own
histories, resources, and each other. We have considered the deeper global meaning of
being in-between: a condition of interdependent humanity that we share with our clients.

We have used case examples to get a feel for how the engagement process (gathering
information, bracketing biases, making human connections, and collaboratively
determining roles, problems, goals and methods) happens on mezzo and macro levels.
We have also left the comfort of more familiar settings to see how being both flexible
and goal-focused looks when we are the cultural minority, whether in a rural community
in a developing country, a prison, or a foster home. One of the greatest rewards of
globally aware social work is that is changes us if we let it. Engagement is much more
than a set of techniques. It is a way of life.

Next up we will seek to understand the assessment process infused with global values.
It is tempting to go right from engagement to planning for action. After all, we now know
what our clients want and, to some degree, how we can help them get there. We’ve
done a lot of assessment already as we’ve engaged individuals, families, groups and
communities regarding their problems. But short-cuts in the assessment process often
lead to dead ends in the intervention stage. Over the next two weeks we will delve into
the assessment process. Since assessment is continual, start thinking now about what
you know and don’t know about your clients, and notice how you play an active role in
constructing that knowledge.

Social Work in Global Settings

Perhaps the ultimate experience of being in-between, and one that can help us empathize more

fully with displaced people, is that of international social work. While global social work has

been defined so far in terms of global values and awareness of global trends that impact

vulnerable people, we can also look at global social work as what occurs in international settings.

Although your practicum setting is (as of this writing, anyway!) within the boundaries of the

United States, you should be prepared to translate your practice to settings in which the

worldviews and resources are vastly different. We will examine a case study (from the actual

experience of the author’s friend) that sheds light on this process of translation. This example

also demonstrates how social workers can effectively situate themselves between communities

and organizations, bringing to light opportunities for solving social problems that were latent but

not yet visible.

Group Engagement
Whether inside the walls of a community-based organization, or out in the community itself,

social work often involves getting together with groups. Some of these groups are already

formed along natural lines of affiliation, such as the fisherfolk in the case study above, and some

are formed intentionally with help from the organization, to meet a specific need at a specific

time. A global approach to group engagement means creating norms of mutual respect and

recognizing the interdependence, resilience, and history of the community you serve. The word

“community” may also be deceiving, because members of oppressed/marginalized/colonized

populations often do not have a strong sense of cohesion. Those who are clients of social service

agencies are often there because they have fallen through the cracks and may not be considered

community members in good standing. They may be dealing with a great deal of shame and

internalized messages about their “badness.” One purpose of group engagement, then, is to

restore the sense of belonging: first to the group as a microcosm, and then to the community

itself.

Practice Exercise
Let’s imagine that your practicum experience includes clients mandated for treatment, whom you

see at a county jail. For example, partners found guilty of domestic violence (now referred to

more commonly in research literature as Intimate Partner Violence) are often required to

participate in anger management groups as a condition of release. You are holding your first

group meeting today. Having read each participant’s file, you expect a range of levels of

personal accountability. How would you respond to each group participant’s statement in a way

that deepened individual and group engagement? Remember, on the way to a working

relationship the three stages of engagement are receptivity, expectancy, and investment. These

stages apply to groups as well as to individuals and families. The difference is that these stages

apply both individually and to the group as a whole. Within the group there will be leaders and

followers: those who buy in sooner, and those who are more ambivalent. Review each group

member statement below, and think about how you can utilize the power of the group itself in

your responses.

Summary

In this second week of our focus on engagement, we have gone beyond individual and
family engagement to learn about how to apply the same principles to engaging groups,
communities, and organizations. We have challenged you to be alert for the impulse to
be a rescuer, and instead see yourself as a bridge, connecting clients to their own
histories, resources, and each other. We have considered the deeper global meaning of
being in-between: a condition of interdependent humanity that we share with our clients.

We have used case examples to get a feel for how the engagement process (gathering
information, bracketing biases, making human connections, and collaboratively
determining roles, problems, goals and methods) happens on mezzo and macro levels.
We have also left the comfort of more familiar settings to see how being both flexible
and goal-focused looks when we are the cultural minority, whether in a rural community
in a developing country, a prison, or a foster home. One of the greatest rewards of
globally aware social work is that is changes us if we let it. Engagement is much more
than a set of techniques. It is a way of life.

Next up we will seek to understand the assessment process infused with global values.
It is tempting to go right from engagement to planning for action. After all, we now know
what our clients want and, to some degree, how we can help them get there. We’ve
done a lot of assessment already as we’ve engaged individuals, families, groups and
communities regarding their problems. But short-cuts in the assessment process often
lead to dead ends in the intervention stage. Over the next two weeks we will delve into
the assessment process. Since assessment is continual, start thinking now about what
you know and don’t know about your clients, and notice how you play an active role in
constructing that knowledge.

References
Coleman, M., & Agnew, J., Eds. (2018). Handbook on the geographies of power. Cheltenham,

UK: Edward Elgar.

Sociology homework help

Communicating positively

A guide to appropriate Aboriginal terminology

The painting – See when were talking right were walking in the right direction

The painting displays a centerpiece in the shape of an eye with the figures of people sitting around the inside. The dot work trailing from the mouths of the figures and blending into the circle of the eye is a representation of using the correct terminology.

Throughout the background there are lines of cross hatching which generally represent ownership or ownership of land. In this painting it is used as a symbol that we as people have ownership over our bodies and minds and therefore have a choice in the style of language that we use.

The footprints are seen heading in the one direction heading along the same dot work speech lines, to represent that once we have learnt the correct protocols and terminology we can utilize this and progress as a nation towards a brighter future.

The green circles which fade from dark to light in the center are representations of eradicating bad terminology and inappropriate use of dialogue, so that eventually through education of correct procedures these non-accepted ways will deteriorate.

By Kylie Cassidy Central Coast Aboriginal Artist

NSW DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH

73 Miller Street North Sydney NSW 2060 Tel. (02) 9391 9000 Fax. (02) 9391 9101

www.health.nsw.gov.au

This work is copyright. It may be reproduced in whole or in part for study training purposes subject to the inclusion of an acknowledgement of the source. It may not be reproduced for commercial usage or sale. Reproduction for purposes other than those indicated above, requires written permission from the NSW Department of Health.

© NSW Department of Health 2004 SHPN (AHB) 030102 ISBN 0 7347 3542 1 For further copies of this document please contact: Better Health Centre – Publications Warehouse Locked Mail Bag 5003 Gladesville NSW 2111 Tel. (02) 9816 0452 Fax. (02) 9816 0492 Further copies of this document can be downloaded from the NSW Health website: www.health.nsw.gov.au May 2004

Contents

Introduction …………………………………………………………………………..2

Terminology guide …………………………………………………………………4

Collective names used to describe Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people ………………………………………………………9

Terms associated with Aboriginal communities and community organisations ………………………………………………………..14

Other terms ………………………………………………………………………………..21

Terms not to be used ……………………………………………………………………29

Additional resources …………………………………………………………….31

References……………………………………………………………………………32

Introduction

Purpose

The purpose of this guide is to provide NSW Health staff with background information and guidance on appropriate word usage when working with Aboriginal people and communities, and when developing policy and programs to improve health outcomes for Aboriginal people. The use of accurate and non-offensive language is an essential component of Aboriginal cultural respect and communication training.

In developing this guide, the Aboriginal Health Branch (AHB) has worked closely with Aboriginal staff within the NSW Department of Health and Area Managers of Aboriginal Health (AMAHs) within Area Health Services (AHSs), as well as the Aboriginal Health and Medical Research Council of NSW (AH&MRC), the peak body representing Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Services (ACCHSs) in NSW.

Scope

This guide relates to Aboriginal people in NSW and gives the recommended word usage for NSW Health employees.

The authors of this guide have aimed to use current names and terminology selected by Aboriginal people themselves. Usage of some terminology may vary with location. If you are unsure about using a particular term, ask the local Aboriginal community/ies or ACCHSs to identify their preferred terms. Alternatively, contact the AMAH in your AHS, the AH&MRC, the local Aboriginal land council (LALC), or the AHB for further guidance.

Note that this guide does not list the many and varied names of individual Aboriginal language groups. Before European colonisation, at least 70 Aboriginal languages and dialects were spoken in the area now known as NSW. 1 For further information about the names of these varied language groups, refer to Horton (1994).2

Introduction

Structure

An overview section outlining key aspects of Aboriginal history is provided on pages 6-7. The Terminology Guide starts on page 9 and lists a number of commonly used terms under four major categories: ● Collective names used to describe Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people ● Terms associated with Aboriginal communities and community organisations ● Other terms ● Terms not to be used. A description of each term, as well as its recommended usage and issues for consideration, is provided in the remaining part of the document (pages 9-30). Additional reading and useful websites are listed on page 31.

The importance of non-discriminatory and accurate language

Following European colonisation, Aboriginal people were forbidden from speaking traditional languages and Aboriginal languages suffered enormous erosion as a result.3 English was used to describe and communicate with Aboriginal people and led to the use of inappropriate and often discriminatory language.

Generally, language can be seen as a direct reflection of the particular culture and beliefs that have given rise to it. For example, the English language is not capable of embodying the cultural imperatives, values and contexts associated with Aboriginal languages.

Because the European colonists did not understand and were generally prejudiced against Aboriginal ways of life, the language they used to address and describe Aboriginal people was often discriminatory and offensive.

Today, just as attitudes towards Aboriginal culture are changing, terms to describe Aboriginal people are continually evolving. Understanding the distinctions between the words, and to whom they apply, can be a challenge for NSW Health staff. However, using appropriate and accurate language is fundamental in ensuring the use of non-discriminatory language and developing positive relationships between Government staff and Aboriginal communities.

Terminology guide

For ease of use, the terms in this guide are arranged alphabetically and organised under four major categories.

Collective names used to describe Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people

Aboriginal / Aborigine Aboriginal people (s) First people / first Australians Indigenous people(s) Torres Strait Islander / person Goori, Koori, Murri, Nunga and other such terms

9

10

11

11

12

13

Terms associated with Aboriginal communities and community organisations

Clan Community Country Elder Mob Nation Traditional owner Tribe

14

14

15

16

16

17

20

20

Other terms

Assimilation policy Culture Invasion/colonisation/settlement Land rights Mission/reserve Native title Pre/post contact Protection policy Self-determination Stolen Generations

Terms not to be used

Them Those people You people Half-caste Quarter-caste 25%, 50% Aboriginal etc Full-blood Mixed blood

21

22

23

23

24

26

26

27

27

28

29

Overview

This guide explores the correct terminology to describe Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, as well as terms associated with Aboriginal communities and community organisations.

This overview will be helpful in gaining a better understanding of the historical, political and cultural context around this terminology.

Australia has traditionally been inhabited by two indigenous peoples that are ethnically and culturally very different – Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Aboriginal people comprise diverse Aboriginal nations, each with their own language and traditions, and have historically lived on mainland Australia, Tasmania and many of the continent’s offshore islands. Torres Strait Islander people come from the islands of the Torres Strait, between the tip of Cape York in Queensland and Papua New Guinea. 5

In Aboriginal culture, the land was created by the journeys of the ‘Spirit Ancestors’ during a period known as the ‘Dreaming’ or ‘Dreamtime’. In song, story, poetry, art, drama and dance, the Dreamtime tells how the Spirit Ancestors (each symbolised by an animal which is the totem of the clan) gave life to the land and laid down the Law – the structure of society, rituals to maintain the life of the land and rules for human behaviour. The Dreamtime explains the origin of the universe, the workings of nature and of humanity, and the cycle of life and death. It shapes and structures Aboriginal life and the relations between the sexes, and prescribes a network of obligations to people, land and spirits.6

It is important to understand that according to the Dreaming, Aboriginal people did not own the land in the European sense, but rather, belonged to the land. The rule of the Law, as passed on by the Dreaming, was absolute throughout all aspects of Aboriginal life and was guarded by the Elders, select male and female people who possessed great knowledge of the Law. These Elders made important decisions, gave inspiration and advice, arranged marriages, organised learning, initiations and ceremonies, arbitrated and settled disputes, and fixed punishments if laws were broken. 7

The Europeans did not understand Aboriginal culture, and the close connection between Aboriginal people and the land was not recognised under British law. Because Aboriginal land was deemed unoccupied it was declared ‘terra nullius’ – land belonging to no one – and was taken away without negotiations or treaties.8

The remnants of Aboriginal clans were forced to relocate, sometimes hundreds of kilometres away from traditional lands, onto reserves or missions where they were forbidden to speak traditional languages or practice cultural traditions. Life on the missions was harsh and there was little respect for human rights. Aboriginal people were treated as incapable of managing their own lives and were subject to arbitrary rule by mission managers and police. 9

The Government’s policy of ‘protection’ towards Aboriginal people began in the 1880s and led to the creation of ‘protection boards’ in all Australian states. In 1883, NSW set up the NSW Aborigines Protection Board (later renamed Aborigines Welfare Board). This board was established based on the belief that nothing could protect Aboriginal people but ‘some controlling power which can not only offer

them what is for their good but also constrain them to the acceptance of it’ .10

In practice, the policy of the NSW Aborigines Protection Board was that all Aboriginal people should live on reserves. The protection board could limit Aboriginal people’s movements, dictate where Aboriginal people could live, who they could associate with and how and when they would be paid wages for work performed. The NSW Aborigines Welfare Board was not abolished until 1969. 11

Under the Government’s protection and assimilation policies, protection boards throughout Australia oversaw the removal of thousands of Aboriginal children (known as the ‘Stolen Generations’) from their parents. Often, these children would be sent to ‘training homes’ where they were trained as domestic servants or farm labourers, or fostered out to non-Aboriginal families away from their community of origin. The personal and communal desolation resulting from the removal of Aboriginal children from their families was recognised at the 1996 hearings of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from their Families, which gave rise to the Bringing Them Home Report in May 1997. 12

The Government’s policies of protection and assimilation were not officially abandoned until 1972 when, as a direct result of growing Aboriginal activism, it was officially replaced with a policy of self-determination – defined as ‘Aboriginal communities deciding the pace and nature of their future development as significant components within a diverse Australia’. 13

Despite the enormous impacts of European colonisation on Aboriginal ways of life, Aboriginal people have survived and Aboriginal culture is alive and strong. It is estimated that there were 135,300 Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander people residing in NSW as of 30 June 2001. 14

Aboriginal people have fought long and hard for their rights and several important landmarks have marked modern Aboriginal history. For example, in 1983, the Aboriginal Land Rights Act 1983 (NSW) was passed in NSW, promoting Aboriginal land rights on the basis of needs and compensation as well as prior ownership and tradition. In 1992, in the historic Mabo judgement, the High Court of Australia reversed the concept of ‘terra nullius’ by holding that a ‘native title’ to land had survived the colonisation of Australia, thus enshrining Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander land rights in Australia’s common law.

Despite these advances, social indicators for Aboriginal people, including health indicators, remain the lowest of all Australian groups. Understanding the impacts of past injustices and striving to eliminate discriminatory practices are important factors in improving social outcomes for Aboriginal Australians.

Collective names used to describe Aboriginal people

Aboriginal /Aborigine

Description

An ‘Aboriginal person’ or an ‘Aborigine’ is a person who:

● is a member of the Aboriginal race of Australia

● identifies as an Aboriginal person

● is accepted by the Aboriginal community as an Aboriginal person. 15

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Although it is grammatically correct, beware when using the term ‘Aborigine(s)’ as it has negative connotations with many Aboriginal people. The use of ‘Aboriginal person’ or ‘Aboriginal people’ can be used as an alternative.

Be aware that the term ‘Aboriginal’ is not generally inclusive of Torres Strait Islander people, and reference to both Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people should therefore be spelt out where necessary. This notwithstanding, also note that within NSW Health, the term ‘Aboriginal’ is generally used in preference to ‘Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander’, in recognition that Aboriginal people are the original inhabitants of NSW (see NSW Health Circular No. 2003/55). For example:

✓ NSW Health has recently produced and implemented the NSW Health Aboriginal

Health Impact Statement.

Always capitalise the ‘A’ in ‘Aboriginal’ as you would other designations like ‘Australian’, ‘Arabic’ or ‘Nordic’. The word ‘aboriginal with a lowercase ‘a’ refers to an indigenous person from any part of the world. As such, it does not necessarily refer to the Aboriginal people of Australia.

Do not use ‘Aboriginal’ as a noun – it should only be used as an adjective.

✗ The Government’s new strategy will support increased business with Aboriginals. ✓ The Government’s new strategy will support increased business with Aboriginal people.

Never abbreviate the term ‘Aboriginal’ as this is offensive.

Remember: when preparing speech notes that refer to ‘our history’, ensure that the use of the word ‘Australian(s)’ includes Aboriginal people/s. Consider the opening statement:

✗ ‘Most Australians continue to see Aboriginal people…’

This infers that Aboriginal people are not Australian, which is incorrect. The correct terminology is:

✓ ‘Most non-Aboriginal Australians continue to see Aboriginal people…’

Aboriginal people (s)

Description

‘Aboriginal people’ is a collective name for the original people of Australia and their descendants, and does not emphasise the diversity of languages, cultural practices and spiritual beliefs. By adding an ‘s’ to ‘people’, you are emphasising this diversity.

‘Aboriginal people’ can also be used to refer to more than one Aboriginal person.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Both ‘Aboriginal people’ and ‘Aboriginal peoples’ are acceptable depending on the context. For example:

✓ ‘At the time of European invasion, there were approximately 600 Aboriginal

peoples’. Note that in this instance ‘peoples’ is used to describe the groups of Aboriginal people, each with their own language, cultural practices and beliefs.

✓ ‘At the time of European invasion, there were between 300,000 and 1 million16

Aboriginal people living in Australia.’ Note that in this instance ‘people’ refers to more than one person.

If you wish to emphasise the fact that Aboriginal people are Australians, consider the use of ‘Aboriginal Australian(s)’ instead of ‘Aboriginal people’.

Never abbreviate the term ‘Aboriginal’ as this is offensive.

First people /first Australians

‘First people’ or ‘First Australians’ are collective names for the original people of Australia and their descendants, and are used to emphasise that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people lived on this continent prior to European invasion.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Both ‘First people’ and ‘First Australians’ are acceptable. Use these terms to emphasise that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people lived on this continent before the European invasion.

Indigenous people (s)

Description

The Macquarie Dictionary defines ‘indigenous’ as ‘originating in and characterising

a particular region or country’. Based on this definition, an indigenous person is a person originating or characterising a particular region or country.

The term can be problematic when applied to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. One area of concern is whether to capitalise the ‘I’ or use a lowercase ‘i’.

Practice varies. For example, whilst United Nations documents tend not to capitalise

‘indigenous’ as they collectively refer to people originating from more than one

region or country, Commonwealth documents generally capitalise ‘Indigenous’ as they refer specifically to Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.

The preferred option for NSW Health staff is to capitalise ‘Indigenous’ when referring

to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Because ‘Indigenous’ is not specific, some Aboriginal people feel that the term diminishes their Aboriginality and must be avoided.

NSW Health recommends using the terms ‘Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander’ in preference to ‘Indigenous’. If in doubt and before using the term ‘Indigenous’ ALWAYS consult with the local Aboriginal community.

If using the term ‘indigenous’, always capitalise ‘I’ when referring to Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. For example:

✓ The Australian Government’s new strategy will support increased business

with Indigenous people.

Note that the lower case ‘i’ for ‘indigenous’ is only used when referring to people originating in more than one region or country such as the Pacific region, Asiatic region, Canada, or New Zealand.

✓ Australia will be hosting the inter-country tennis competition where indigenous

peoples from Canada, New Zealand and the Asiatic region will be competing for the right to challenge last year’s winners.

If using the term ‘Indigenous people’, define what you mean by ‘Indigenous’ – that is, if you are referring to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, say so.

Torres Strait Islander /person

Description

A Torres Strait Islander or a Torres Strait Islander person is a person/descendant from

the Torres Strait Islands which are located to the north of mainland Australia.

Note that although not originally from NSW, there are Torres Strait Islander people living in the state.

Recommended usage

Always capitalise ‘Torres Strait Islander’. Never abbreviate the term ‘Torres Strait Islander’ as this is offensive. Note that within NSW Health, the term ‘Aboriginal’ is generally used in preference to ‘Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander’, in recognition that Aboriginal people are the original inhabitants of NSW (see NSW Health Circular No. 2003/55). For example:

✓ NSW Health has recently produced and implemented the NSW Health Aboriginal

Health Impact Statement.

Goori /Koori /Murri /Nunga and other such terms

These terms are directly derived from Aboriginal languages and are the names used by Aboriginal people in specific areas when referring to themselves. Note that many Aboriginal people from other areas of Australia reside within

NSW and still use their traditional names. Some examples of these terms are:

Goori – is usually used by Aboriginal people in northern NSW coastal regions

Koori – is usually used by Aboriginal people in parts of NSW and Victoria

Murri – is usually used by Aboriginal people in north-west NSW and Queensland

Nunga – is usually used by Aboriginal people in South Australia

Yolngu – is usually used by Aboriginal people in Northern Territory (north- east Arnhem Land) Anangu – is usually used by Aboriginal people in Central Australia

Noongar – is usually used by Aboriginal people in south-west Western Australia

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Always check with the local Aboriginal community about using this type of terminology. There are many Aboriginal language groups within the above-mentioned areas and the use of such terms can be restrictive.

Terms associated with Aboriginal communities and community organisations

Clan

Description

The ‘clan’ is a local descent group, larger than a family but based on family links through a common ancestry.17 A ‘clan’ is a subset of a nation.

For example, the Yuin nation in southeastern NSW has several clans within it.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Be aware that the term ‘clan’ has a specific meaning which is derived from non-Aboriginal societies, and therefore may not necessarily be applicable to Aboriginal culture. Some Aboriginal people use the term and such usage should be respected. If unsure, ask the local community for guidance.

Community

Description

There are many different perspectives on what a ‘community’ is. Non-Aboriginal people often use ‘community’ to refer to a particular geographical locality. For example, the use of the expression ‘Kempsey Aboriginal community’ refers to all the Aboriginal people living in and around Kempsey.

However, it is important to understand that Aboriginal people were forcibly removed from their ancestral lands to live elsewhere. For instance the ‘Kempsey Aboriginal community’ comprises Aboriginal people from many areas of Australia but the traditional owners of the land are the Dunghutti people. Therefore, what non-Aboriginal people see as one Aboriginal community is in fact not necessarily seen as such by Aboriginal people.

Note that an Aboriginal person may belong to more than one community – for example, where they come from, where their family is and where they live or work. The important thing to remember is that in Aboriginal culture a community is first and foremost about country, (extended) family ties and shared experience. Community is about interrelatedness and belonging and is central to Aboriginality.18

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

It is generally acceptable to use the term ‘community’ to refer to Aboriginal people living within a particular geographical location. However, keep in mind the diversity of Aboriginal people within that ‘community’.

If you wish to emphasise the diversity of communities within the one geographical location, use ‘communities’ in the plural form. For example:

✓ Bourke has two distinct Aboriginal communities – the local community

which lives some three kilometres from Bourke in a settlement known as the Alice Edwards Village, and the local population living in Bourke itself.

Country

Description

‘Country’ is a term used to describe a culturally defined area of land associated with a particular, culturally distinct group of people or nation. For example:

✓ Dubbo is in Wiradjuri country.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Use ‘country’ to refer to a particular, culturally defined area of land, such as ‘Wiradjuri country’ or ‘Dunghutti country’.

Elder

Description

The traditional meaning of an Aboriginal Elder is someone who has gained

recognition within their community as a custodian of knowledge and lore, and who has permission to disclose cultural knowledge and beliefs.

Recognised Elders are highly respected people within Aboriginal communities.19

In some instances, Aboriginal people above a certain age will refer to themselves

as Elders. However, it is important to understand that in traditional Aboriginal culture, age alone does not necessarily mean that one is a recognised Elder.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

The use of Elder (upper case) is generally acceptable, but it is important to be aware of the differences in meaning outlined above.

When negotiating with Aboriginal communities, ensure that recognised Elders are involved. This may occur indirectly – for example, a recognised Aboriginal community controlled peak body such as the AH&MRC, or the local ACCHS, may be willing to negotiate with Elders on your behalf.

Be aware that although negotiation with recognised Elders is important, it should not replace negotiation with Aboriginal community organisations, such as an ACCHS.

Mob

Description

‘Mob’ is a term identifying a group of Aboriginal people associated with a particular place or country.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

‘Mob’ is a term that is extremely important to Aboriginal people because it is used to identify who they are and where they are from. ‘Mob’ is generally used by Aboriginal people and between Aboriginal people. Therefore, it may not be appropriate for non-Aboriginal people to use this term unless this is known to be acceptable to Aboriginal people.

Nation

Description

‘Nation’ refers to a culturally distinct group of people associated with a particular, culturally defined area of land or country. Each nation has boundaries that cannot

be changed, and language is tied to that nation and its country.

The Aboriginal NSW map over page is a pictorial study guide prepared by the

Central Mapping Authority of NSW, now known as the Department of Lands,20 in consultation with the Department of Education and the Aboriginal Education

Consultative Group. The map sets out the location of Aboriginal nations within NSW.

Please note that these locations are only approximate and may not be conclusive

in the view of some Aboriginal people.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Use ‘nation’ to refer to a culturally distinct Aboriginal group and its associated country. For example:

✓ The Gumbbayngirr nation is located around the Nambucca Heads area.

Be aware that the boundaries of some Aboriginal nations (eg Yorta Yorta) cross over state boundaries. This has important implications for service delivery and provision, as well as negotiation processes.

the Central Mapping Authority, NSW Department of Lands Source: map supplied courtesy of

Traditional owner

A ‘Traditional owner(s)’ is an Aboriginal person or group of Aboriginal people directly descended from the original Aboriginal inhabitants of a culturally defined area of land or country, and has a cultural association with this country that derives from the traditions, observances, customs, beliefs or history of the original Aboriginal inhabitants of the area.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Use ‘traditional owner(s)’ to refer to an Aboriginal person or group of Aboriginal people as defined above. For example:

✓ In 1998, the NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service handed back Mutawintji

National Park to its traditional owners.

Tribe

Description

Like ‘nation’, a ‘tribe’ refers to a culturally distinct group of people associated with a particular, culturally defined area of land or country.

Recommended usage / issues for consideration

Be aware that ‘tribe’ has a specific meaning derived from non-Aboriginal societies, and therefore may not necessarily be applicable to Aboriginal culture. Some Aboriginal people use the term and such usage should be respected. If unsure ask the local community for guidance.

Other terms

Assimilation policy

Description

In 1937 the Commonwealth Government convened a conference with the

states where it was officially agreed that the aim for those Aboriginal people not of ‘full-blood’ should be their ultimate absorption into the wider population. This policy, referred to as ‘assimilation’, was designed to solve the ‘Aboriginal problem’ by ensuring that Aboriginal people would lose their identity and culture

within the wider community.

Under the

Sociology homework help

3- stages
Disaster preparedness,
Assisting during a Diaster,
Post-disaster practice- assessing the immediate situation
Disaster preparedness is an area where social workers can help build solid and
resilient communities to address and cope with potential major disasters.

Macro-level- Disaster preparedness providing feedback on gaps in policy and service,
advocating full agreements and policies to have a central focus on human rights, environmental

and social justice, and advocating for disaster training. When it comes to Assisting during a

disaster, social workers should be allowed to assist from different agencies to provide immediate

short-term assistance in relief centers. When it comes to Post-disaster, Social workers will find

where people are sheltering and what supports are needed in the facilities—planning for

immediate safety issues and ongoing threats.

Meso-level- working with local communities to establish a local disaster preparedness group if

one is not established, building a disaster vulnerability register. When it comes to assisting

during a disaster, social workers will assist with shelters and support payment agency staff who

may be challenged by the distress of those seeking assistance. Post-Disaster includes working

with vulnerable groups and members of outreach teams.

Micro-level- assisting people in preparing individual and family disaster plans for their physical

and social environment and assisting family strategies in the event of a disaster. When it comes

to Assisting during a Disaster, social workers will provide crisis intervention support in relief

centers, support people in shelters by registering individuals and families, and assess shock and

trauma impacts. Post-Disaster includes working with people affected by the disaster providing

needs and situational assessments, negotiating,g and problem-solving.

Sociology homework help

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Housing, Theory and Society

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Understanding the Stigmatization of Gypsies:
Power and the Dialectics of (Dis)identification

Ryan Powell

To cite this article: Ryan Powell (2008) Understanding the Stigmatization of Gypsies: Power
and the Dialectics of (Dis)identification, Housing, Theory and Society, 25:2, 87-109, DOI:
10.1080/14036090701657462

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14036090701657462

Published online: 19 May 2008.

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Citing articles: 25 View citing articles

Understanding the Stigmatization of
Gypsies: Power and the Dialectics of
(Dis)identification

RYAN POWELL

Centre for Regional Economic and Social Research, Sheffield Hallam University, UK

ABSTRACT Most theorizations on the stigmatization of Gypsies have centred on structural
factors: issues of race, ethnicity, the role of the media and the general incompatibility of
nomadism with a sedentary mode of existence. This paper contends that a focus on the power
differentials which characterize everyday social relations between Gypsies and the settled
population can enhance our understanding of the stigmatization of the former. It argues that
stigmatization is manifest in the ongoing process of disidentification, which involves the related
processes of projection and the exaggeration of stereotypical constructions of threatening
‘‘Others’’. Drawing on the work of Norbert Elias an attempt at a theoretical synthesis is made
that emphasizes the centrality of the power differential in social relations between the two groups,
which is a key factor in enabling and maintaining effective stigmatization. The paper focuses on
the dialectics of identification articulated by Gypsies in relation to their perceived collective
similarity and difference, which is crucial in understanding their marginal position in British
society. Using empirical data, the paper then explores the ways in which power differentials shape
the social relations between Gypsies and the settled population, and how stigmatization serves as
a potent weapon in maintaining the weak position of British Gypsies.

KEY WORDS: Gypsies and Travellers, Power relations, Stigmatization, Disidentification, Elias

Introduction

Gypsies and Travellers
1

have always operated on the fringes of mainstream British

society and have faced discrimination and persecution in a range of guises since the

first Gypsies arrived on the shores of Britain over 500 years ago. Historically, they

have collectively been subjected to extermination and expulsion (Mayall 1988) and

more recently to policies of assimilation, modernization (Sibley 1986, 1987) and

social control (Halfacree 1996, Niner 2004, Richardson 2006b, Sibley 1988). Such

policies have often been based on racist notions that Gypsies and Travellers are in

Correspondence Address: Ryan Powell, Centre for Regional Economic and Social Research, Sheffield

Hallam University, Unit 10, Science Park, City Campus, Howard Street, Sheffield, 52 SS1 1WB, UK.

Tel.: +44 (0)114 225 3561; Email: r.s.powell@shu.ac.uk

Housing, Theory and Society,

Vol. 25, No. 2, 87–109, 2008

1403-6096 Print/1651-2278 Online/08/020087–109 # 2008 Taylor & Francis

DOI: 10.1080/14036090701657462

need of ‘‘saving’’ or corrective treatment, and initiatives to this end, often

emphasizing their perceived moral deficiencies, have been put in motion by everyone

from evangelicals to liberals (Vanderbeck 2003). This extensive range of pressures on

Gypsies to conform to a sedentary way of life, alongside wider social transforma-

tions, has resulted in a mixture of adaptation, evasion, conformity and conflict

(IPPR 2004, Mayall 1988). The persistence of stigma in relation to British nomadism
runs so deep that the Commission for Racial Equality (2006) recently concluded that

Gypsies and Irish Travellers are the most excluded groups in Britain today.

Advancements in terms of social mobility and access to power made by other

‘‘weaker’’ groups in Britain, such as other Black and Minority Ethnic groups, gays

and lesbians, and the physically impaired, have not been matched in relation to

Gypsies and Travellers (Gil-Robles 2005). This stigma is not just confined to Britain

but is mirrored across much of Europe, with the same dynamics of marginalization

and exclusion reproduced across different spaces (Bancroft 2005).
Theoretical frameworks seeking to explain the perceived anomic status of this

group have focused attention on issues of race, ethnicity, the media, social and

spatial policy and the general incompatibly of nomadism with a dominant sedentary

mode of existence (at both an economic and social level). Thus, most conceptualiza-

tions have emphasized difference, and more importantly, visible distinctions between

Gypsies and Travellers on the one hand, and the settled population
2

on the other.

This paper, however, argues that our understanding of the socio-dynamics of

stigmatization and its effects have been hindered by a neglect of the role of power in
shaping the social relations between Gypsies and the settled population. It calls for a

move beyond static distinctions and accounts and places the dynamics of power

relations at the centre of an understanding of processes of disidentification and

stigmatization. As such, issues of ethnicity and race are not central here. The focus of

this paper is on Gypsies but aspects inherent in the process of stigmatization can also

be found in relation to a range of social relations between groups where the defining

characteristic is a power differential which confers one group with much greater

power resources than the other (Elias & Scotson 1994).
The paper begins with a brief discussion on conceptualizations of power before a

review of the literature which draws attention to the neglect of the concept in existing

accounts of the marginal position of Gypsies and Travellers. Other deficiencies such

as a-historical approaches and a narrow focus on the issues of the day amounting to

problems of involvement (Elias 1987) are also identified. It is also argued that the

strong boundary maintenance between different academic disciplines has meant that

concurrent developments within them, as well as commonalities in terms of

theoretical frameworks, have been largely unrealized and consequently cross-
disciplinary understanding has not accrued.

Drawing on the work of Norbert Elias, it is suggested that in order to comprehend

the process of stigmatization, its socio-dynamics and the ways in which it is

maintained by and within groups, one must first understand the complex dialectics

of identification and disidentification, which enable effective stigmatization. Only

then can we begin to grasp the role of power in the process and, in turn, account for

the role of the socio-spatial order in the maintenance and reproduction of social

boundaries and control. This approach requires a theoretical synthesis, it is argued,
as scholars in different academic areas have largely been concerned with works

88 R. Powell

confined to their own disciplines and which speak to their own particular

methodological standpoints, with little attention given to concurrent arguments in

other disciplines (Jenkins 2004:93).

This synthesis is then drawn upon in order to understand the empirical findings

from 25 qualitative in-depth interviews conducted with Gypsies in Yorkshire and

The Humber in the UK, in the spring of 2006. Interviews sometimes involved more
than one family member, lasted between 25 minutes and three hours, and were

recorded and transcribed. The results of the analysis of these transcripts form the

bulk of what is presented in the Findings section of this paper. There was also an

ethnographic element to the research and informal discussions with Gypsies and

visits to Gypsy sites, recorded in field notes, are also drawn upon. The findings point

to the link between the processes of disidentification and stigmatization – with each

reinforcing the other where there is a relatively large power differential – and

resultant apathy on the part of the stigmatized as ‘‘power inferiority is experienced as
human inferiority’’ in some cases (Elias 1994). Finally, the paper concludes that an

unequal power balance in social relations, the projection of exaggerated fears,

and disidentification are prerequisites for continued stigmatization which, in

itself, is a powerful process in maintaining the status quo at the level of group

relations. The conclusion also suggests areas for further research that would enhance

our understanding of the continued marginalization of Gypsies within British

society.

Theoretical Framework

The academic literature on Gypsies and Travellers is a diverse body of thought

drawn from a number of different disciplines. Some of the different theoretical

frameworks that have hitherto been used in explaining the marginal position of

Gypsies and Travellers share some positive commonalities. However, they also share

a common deficiency in terms of a neglect of the role of power, and particularly the

power differentials inherent in the social relations between the settled population and
Gypsies and Travellers. Before turning to the Gypsy and Traveller literature, then, it

is necessary to briefly consider some conceptualizations of power.

A Note on the Centrality of Power

Lukes’ (1974) three dimensions of power provide a useful starting point. We do not

have the space here to do justice to this seminal work, but charting the progress

towards the three-dimensional view of power is necessary for an understanding of
the development of the concept (for a fuller discussion see Lukes 1974:21–25). The

one-dimensional view of power is essentially that put forward by the pluralists and in

Dahl’s words is ‘‘the power of A to get B to do something B would otherwise not do’’

(Dahl, in Lukes 1974:11). Lukes shows that the one-dimensional view is inadequate

in tackling the complexities of power in the real world, due to its focus on behaviour,

decision-making and observable conflict. Similarly, while an advance on the one-

dimensional view is made through the incorporation of non-decision-making, overt

conflict and control over agendas in the two-dimensional view, this is still
found wanting due to its overemphasis on behaviourism and observable conflict.

Understanding the Stigmatization of Gypsies 89

The three-dimensional view represents a critique of the overly individualistic

behavioural focus and Lukes summarizes the main features of this approach as a

focus on: control over political agendas (involving decisions and non-decisions);

issues and potential issues; observable and latent conflict; and subjective and real
interests. For Lukes this view represents the most insidious exercise of power as it

encroaches on and shapes the consciousness of individuals and the way they view

their situation. It prevents people from having grievances by:

… shaping their perceptions, cognitions and preferences in such a way that they

accept their role in the existing order of things, either because they can see or

imagine no alternative to it, or because they see it as natural and unchangeable,

or because they value it as divinely ordained and beneficial (Lukes 1974:24).

This conception is certainly closer to the realities presented in the empirical findings

of this paper. However, Lukes draws attention to some difficulties with the three-

dimensional view, most notably the focus on individuals. Power and control can also

be exercised by groups, so as Richardson (2006b:39) rightly asks ‘‘in observing a

group how is it possible to identify the precise mechanisms of the exercise of power?’’

It is in relation to this problem that Elias’s figurational sociology has particular
resonance.

The concept of human figurations is central to any understanding of Elias’s

sociology and deserves attention here. The premise is that individuals are bonded

together in various figurations through their interdependencies, which is an

inescapable fact of everyday life and characterizes all human relations. These

figurations are constantly in flux as the power differentials – both within and

between different human figurations – that dictate their development change this

way and that. The development of figurations is a long-term process in which

outcomes are unforeseen and unplanned, as no individual or figuration of

individuals can control the overall direction. For Elias, power balances, like human

relationships in general, are bi-polar at least, and usually multi-polar; and should be

perceived as everyday occurrences (1978:74). For wherever there is functional

interdependence balances of power are always present.

The extent of the power differential seen in a figuration is a crucial factor in

determining the characteristics of that figuration. Elias provides a comprehensive

example of the importance of power differentials for human figurations in the

introductory essay to The Established and the Outsiders (Elias & Scotson 1994). The

book is based on findings from a study, conducted with John Scotson, of two very

similar groups on a suburban housing estate in Leicester, given the fictitious name of

Winston Parva. Indeed, the two distinct groups were so similar in terms of social

class, ethnicity, nationality, religion and other socio-economic indicators that the

only evident difference was in terms of their length of residence on the estate. After
studying the relations between these groups, which were characterized by conflict,

Elias came up with a conceptual framework of great analytical insight: established-

outsider relations. Those residents who were relatively new to the estate were the

outsider group and the longer term residents, who had lived there for several

generations in many cases, were termed the established group. What Elias and

Scotson observed was the systematic stigmatization of the outsider group who were

90 R. Powell

thought to lack the superior human virtue which the dominant group attributed to

itself (Elias and Scotson 1994:xv). Consequently, the outsiders were excluded from

all non-occupational contact and this was maintained through ‘‘praise-gossip’’ for
those adhering to this and ‘‘blame-gossip’’ directed at those breaking the taboo.

The key to identifying the root of the conflict rested on a figurational approach

through which one could see that the source of power for the dominant group was
social cohesion; not difference (e.g. race, class), which often serves to mask power

differentials (Elias 1994:xviii–xix). Elias stresses the importance of the interdepen-

dent nature of the two groups and the need to look beyond the individual:

In Winston Parva, as elsewhere, one found members of one group casting a

slur on those of another, not because of their qualities as individual people, but

because they were members of a group which they considered collectively as

different from, and as inferior to, their own group (Elias 1994:xx).

Elias’s theoretical framework builds on that of Lukes through its exploration of the

power dynamics involved in the group setting and particularly by drawing attention

to interdependencies. In this sense it is able to address the ways in which power can

be exercised and maintained at the group level and emphasizes the importance of

collectivities for identification and disidentification. This suggests a need to focus on
social relations for an understanding of the stigmatization process, not on its more

visible outcomes.

ni Shuinéar (1997) asks a fundamental question which supports the argument for
looking beyond the surface for a better understanding of the dynamics of power and

stigmatization: ‘‘why are nomads who have ‘settled down’ still hated as strong as

ever?’’ ‘‘The mobility of Travellers has long been constructed as a social problem;

now their settlement is also being constructed as problematic’’ (Vanderbeck

2003:375). Given this situation one can conclude that the cultural practice of

nomadism is not, on its own, a sufficient explanation for the continued vilification of

Gypsies and Travellers. Nor should explanations be sought solely through a focus on

ethnicity which, as Mayall contends, can do more harm than good by distracting
scholars from the task in hand: ‘‘To become obsessed with tracing pedigrees as an

essential stage in identifying a separate race is to be diverted from the key issue of the

relationship between the travelling and settled societies’’ (Mayall 1988:186). Notions

of a lack of morals, dirt, violence, deviance, laziness, illiteracy and racial purity

(‘‘real’’ Gypsies) have all been used to justify discriminatory responses to Gypsies

and Travellers and explain their continual stigmatization. Thus arguments to justify

the enforcement of conformity and sedentarization were modified over time (Mayall

1988:185) with these modifications taking place against a backdrop of social change
which brought about an increasingly differentiated society.

This suggests the need to move beyond simplistic notions which place nomadism

or ethnicity (or any other visible marker of difference) at the core of this ‘‘hatred’’, in
order to better understand the complex relationship between Gypsies and the settled

population. Elias’s theory of established-outsider relations sheds light on this matter:

What one calls ‘‘race relations’’ … are simply established-outsider relationships
of a particular type… Whether or not the groups to which one refers when

Understanding the Stigmatization of Gypsies 91

speaking of ‘‘race relations’’ or ‘‘racial prejudice’’ differ in their ‘‘racial’’

descent and appearance, the salient aspect of their relationship is that they are

bonded together in a manner which endows one of them with very much

greater power resources than the other and enables that group to exclude

members of the other group from access to the centre of these resources and
from closer contact with its own members, thus relegating them to the position

of outsiders (Elias 1994:xxx).

In other words, it is the interdependent nature of the social relations between groups

and the power differential that characterizes that relationship where one should

focus one’s attention in order to comprehend the socio-dynamics of stigmatization.

The fact that members of the two groups differ in terms of physical appearance or

language for instance, ‘‘merely serves as a reinforcing shibboleth which makes

members of an outsider group more easily recognizable as such’’ (Elias 1994:xxx). As

we shall see, markers of difference are important aspects in the process of

identification but alone they cannot account for the boundary maintenance and

strong feelings of anomie
3

one encounters on the part of powerful groups in relation

to weaker groups. We shall return to Elias in the discussion on the empirical findings

of the research but let us first consider some other relevant theoretical concepts.

Insights and Limitations in the Gypsy and Traveller Literature

The existing academic discourse relating to the marginalization of Gypsies and

Travellers provides us with some theoretical tools with which to develop our

understanding of the weak position of Gypsies and Travellers (McVeigh 1997, ni

Shuinéar 1997, Sibley 1981, 1987, 1988, Vanderbeck 2003, 2005). Some of this

literature, however, appears to draw upon a selective reading of the current stock of

knowledge. Narrow conceptualizations which seek to isolate particular factors at

play in the stigmatization process have an over-reliance on the thinkers of the day in

an attempt to provide explanations based on contemporary issues (see Elias 1987). In

order to fully comprehend the complexities inherent in this process it is necessary to

focus our attention on the interdependent nature of the social relations of Gypsies

and the settled population, while at the same time appreciating that the shaping and

outcome of these relations is a long term development with power as the defining

characteristic.

Some geographers have drawn on notions of the ‘‘Other’’, first put forward by

Edward Said (1978), and have developed these arguments in application to the

Gypsy and Traveller population (Holloway 2005, Richardson 2006a, 2006b). For

instance, Richardson’s argument centres on the role of discourse in the control of the

Gypsy and Traveller population, mainly that emanating from the media and the

political establishment, which is made possible through Bauman’s notion of

‘‘Othering’’ resulting in a lack of concern for the well-being of the ‘‘Other’’.

Richardson (2006b) shows how negative discourse and ‘‘othering’’ are more
prominent throughout society in application to Gypsies and Travellers than to

other marginal groups. The account is also valuable in the sense that it draws

attention to the outcomes of these dynamics: the translation of discourse into actions

of social control. However, this a-historical conceptualization of ‘‘Othering’’

92 R. Powell

enabling discriminatory practice and maintaining the peripheral position of Gypsies

and Travellers within society, whilst identifying that the media and political

institutions are complicit in the reproduction of stereotypes and stigmatization,

neglects the fact that these groups are not the root causes. Similarly, Holloway’s
(2005) time-space specific account of the racialization of Gypsies and Travellers by

the white residents of Appleby (the venue of the largest annual horse fair in the UK

attended by thousands of Gypsies and Travellers) does not focus on the development

of Gypsy–gauje
4

social relations. While Holloway’s findings on ‘‘the ways in which

white rural residents identify and construct Gypsy-Travellers through bodily and

cultural markers of difference’’ (Holloway 2005:351) are useful in terms of a

comprehension of how social boundaries are constructed and maintained, her focus

on race and ethnicity also means that the central role of power in the social relations

between the two groups is downplayed. While such accounts are valuable and

important in aiding our understanding of the stigmatization process, there is a need

to link these factors to the processes at play in the face-to-face and group relations

between Gypsies and non-Gypsies.

Other geography scholars have paid attention to the ways in which the spatial

order is implicated in placing Gypsies and Travellers at the margins of society

(Halfacree 1996, Sibley 1987, 1997). Such accounts stress the ways in which

contemporary, and often urban, Gypsies and Travellers do not conform to the

romanticized image of the ‘‘real’’ Gypsy; the ‘‘independent, strong, self-sufficient

and exotic Romany, living out a rural existence in brightly painted caravans, selling

their craft wares but largely remaining outside non-Gypsy society’’ (Halfacree

1996:54). Mayall asserts that ‘‘arguments permitting the creation of a Travellers’

hierarchy based on race, with the elevation of the ‘pure-blood’ Romany as the

central feature, were adopted overtly and tacitly by most people’’ (Mayall 1988:79).

As Gypsies and Travellers do not generally conform to this imagined stereotype they

are more often than not found wanting and therefore likely to be considered deviant
and in need of corrective treatment (Sibley 1987:81). Crucially, in terms of the

process of stigmatization, this mythologized past contributes to the dehumanization

of Gypsies as well as the reproduction of an oppressive spatial order:

The importance of an imputed racial purity is that the people actually

encountered by members of the larger society, often in conflict situations and

particularly in cities, can be dismissed because they do not conform to the

romantic racial stereotype. In the case of British Gypsies the use of terms like

‘‘tinker’’, ‘‘itinerant’’, and ‘‘diddikai’’ all suggest a failure to meet the standards

implied in the stereotyped view – they effectively dehumanise and legitimate

oppressive policies (Sibley 1987:80; my emphasis).

In a similar vein, Halfacree (1996) posits that new travellers are also measured

against the norms of the sedentary mode of existence but, again, they are invariably
found wanting. Drawing on Cohen (1972) Halfacree explains the ‘‘folk devil’’ status

of new travellers, with reference to the selective, and therefore mythical, social

construction of the rural idyll.

It is useful to consider Halfacree’s notion of Travellers as contemporary folk devils

alongside de Swaan’s ideas on the ways in which identification and, by extension,

Understanding the Stigmatization of Gypsies 93

disidentification is called upon for political ends: ‘‘In mass politics… political

entrepreneurs attempt to mobilize one or another structure of identification, defining

and redefining their appeal until they hit upon a version that works’’ (de Swaan

1995:31–32). A similar argument is also put forward by Sigona (2003) in a discussion

on the circularity of labelling and policy formulation in relation to Kosovo Roma:

‘‘The attempt to deny Roma identity is neither a contemporary prerogative of the
West, nor peculiar to it. In Kosovo both Serbs and Albanians have denied, hidden,

forcedly removed and then recalled the Roma whenever required by their political

needs’’ (Sigona 2003:72). This resonates with Halfacree’s description of Travellers as

the New Right’s ‘‘enemy within’’, constructed as a threat to the purified and

homogeneous rural communities of the English countryside. But again, this speaks

more to the outcomes and maintenance of a process, rather than an understanding of

the ‘‘how’’ and ‘‘why’’.

Purification, Categorization and Projection

One theoretical concept which has managed to cross disciplinary boundaries is that

of purification put forward by the social anthropologist Mary Douglas in her

seminal work Purity and Danger (1966). Douglas argues that people need to

classify other people and objects in order to make sense of the world and, where

classification is not possible, that which cannot be classified is viewed adversely.

Consequently a strategy of purification is employed which excludes anything or
anyone that falls outwith our frames of classification: ‘‘the unclassified residual

category is dirt, pollution, a threat to the integrity of the collectivity’’ (Sibley

1988:410). This notion has been further developed by Sibley (1988) in his work on

the purification of space which involves the rejection of difference and the securing

of boundaries to maintain homogeneity. Sibley’s work is valuable as he points to

the ‘‘historical continuity in the urge to exclude ‘others’ and to purify social space’’

which stems from the desire to maintain boundaries, thus expelling polluting

agencies and excluding threatening groups and individuals (Sibley 1988:411). Hence
Sibley looks beyond the here and now and suggests the need for a more long-term

approach in understanding the rejection of difference. Interestingly, citing the

example of Gypsies, he also outlines how purification can work as a two-way

process with the weaker group using purification for their own ends: ‘‘Conversely,

in some cases we might see purification rules as survival mechanisms which

maintain an economically and politically weak group within a larger society, for

example, indigenous minorities, Gypsies, and some religious communities’’ (Sibley

1988:411). This dynamic could also be seen as a direct response to the lack of
access to power on the part of the Gypsy and Traveller population and resultant

exclusion; more a tactic of ‘‘making do’’ (de Certeau 1984). Indeed, it should be

noted that power is a relationship and Gypsies and Travellers are never powerless;

their independence and tactics and strategies bear this out (see Okely 1983,

Sibley 1981). The point is that they are on the wrong side of an unequal power

balance.

In terms of its outcomes the purification thesis has some resonance with Elias’s

‘‘established-outsider’’ framework. For instance, Douglas touches upon the way in
which the threatened group is able to maintain the boundary through the social

94 R. Powell

Sociology homework help

Structuring Scholarly Papers

James Goggans

Trident University

Instructor: Dr. Maria Luque

MHS504 Scholarly Writing in the Health Sciences

8 May 2022

Authors’ Thesis

The authors’ thesis is that while some studies have found no differences between hospital and home birthing in terms of fetal deaths, neonatal births, and low Apgar scores, recent reports indicate adverse effects of neonatal outcomes associated with home birth. The thesis appears towards the end of the abstract; this is the study’s argument sought to prove or disapprove. The researchers concluded that home birth is associated with positive experiences and outcomes if clear procedures and guidelines are followed.

Paragraph 3

The main point of the third paragraph is that home birth is attracting media, professional organizations, and research attention. The authors give an example of the Royal College of Midwives and Obstetricians and Gynecologists that issued a joint statement that supports home birth for women who are less vulnerable to complications associated with childbirth. The authors also use the example of a publication from the National Institute for Health and Care in the UK, which poses that birthing at home is safer and requires fewer interventions than birthing in the hospital.

Paragraph 5

The fifth paragraph emphasizes that the risks and benefits of home birth to mothers are equally important as the benefits and risks to the infants. In this paragraph, the authors say that most studies focus on infant outcomes, and little attention is given to issues such as morbidity and mortality of mothers. In this paragraph, the author emphasizes that there is a need to address these issues and maternal satisfaction issues to ascertain the overall effectiveness of home birth. The author mentions that this study reviews the risks and benefits of home birth to both the infant and the mother.

Paragraph 7

Paragraph 7 focuses on the search strategy used to develop relevant studies and publications for the review. The author says that all the sources were published in the last ten years in terms of currency. The search engines used were ProQuest, CINAHL, and PubMed. The search terms included out of hospital birth, homebirth, and home birth. The authors also mention that the search was limited to publications in English, and only scholarly journals were searched. After getting the sources, the author mentions that they were reviewed to ensure they were relevant to the topic and excluded all sources that did not contain relevant information.

Authors’ Conclusion

The authors conclude that while there is inconclusive evidence related to the neonatal outcomes related to planned home birth, it is clear that there are minimal or no risks associated with home birth if there are effective guidelines and systems in place. Women who implement planned home birth are less likely to experience complications and unnecessary intervention. These women also have enhanced experience at home because they give birth in a home setting that they are familiar with and a more comfortable environment than the hospital. The authors add that home birth should be available to low-risk women and can be made more effective by having policies to support the integration of home birth into the maternal system.

Reference

Zielinski, R., Ackerson, K., & Low, L. K. (2015). Planned home birth: benefits, risks, and opportunities. International journal of women’s health7, 361.

Sociology homework help

Module 2: Engaging Groups, Communities, and
Organizations

Definitions of Engagement
True to our ongoing commitment to critically deconstructing the terms we use in social work,

let’s explore the different domains of meaning that are implied in the term engagement. Probably

the first thing we think of when we consider engagement is a professional skill to be learned

during our education as social workers. We see engagement as the first stage in a social worker-

client relationship. We understand that without successful engagement, the other stages

(assessment, intervention, and evaluation) will not be successful either. And when we consider

how to be effective at engagement, we think of interrelated components, such as those necessary

conditions identified by Carl Rogers (1957) in his research-informed practice:

1. Congruence: the willingness to transparently relate to clients without hiding behind a
professional or personal facade.

2. Unconditional positive regard: the therapist offers an acceptance and prizing for their
client for who he or she is without conveying disapproving feelings, actions or

characteristics and demonstrating a willingness to attentively listen without interruption,

judgement or giving advice.

3. Empathy: the therapist communicates their desire to understand and appreciate their
client’s perspective.

This view of engagement is not wrong. Without these conditions or skills, we can’t hope to

connect with our clients and win their trust. But one crucial contribution of the field of social

work is its recognition that all human relationships are embedded in unequal power dynamics

and cultural frictions. We may do more harm than good if we blithely assume that our good will

and lack of negative judgments are enough to telegraph to clients that we are “on their side.”

Instead, we can think of engagement against the backdrop of specific histories of oppression. To

do so we need learn these histories, to understand, for example, how redlining has prevented the

healthy development of a certain Black neighborhood; or how the U.S. government’s placement

of the Navajo reservation surrounding the Hopi mesas created longstanding conflicts over

resources that diverted attention from a lack of federal investment in either tribe.

To clients, we often represent both threat and possibility. The institution of social work has

always served two masters: the marginalized/vulnerable/colonized/oppressed/other, and the

welfare state. On the one hand, the modern welfare state came about as an answer to the cruelties

of unfettered market-based economics and cultural values favoring individual freedoms over

mutual responsibilities. Social workers were instrumental in advocating for and designing the

network of policies that theoretically act as a social safety net. Yet, as discussed in the first half

of advanced practicum, social workers have also been the designated implementers of social

policies that are at best compromises between said economics and values, and a more truly

collective approach to our common welfare.

Why is all this macro-level background important to keep in mind when meeting a client?

Because consciousness of your role within the larger historical context will help you have an

accurate empathic understanding of the people you meet. Being aware of how they may feel

about social services, which have the power to take and withhold and well as the power to give,

will allow you to pick up on signals of ambivalence and distrust. These signals will often be

indirect, because members of oppressed communities are in the unenviable position of having to

present themselves as willing participants in services in order to gain the providers’ good will,

even as they maintain vigilance against social control. In fact, it may be unethical to make too

sharp a distinction between voluntary and involuntary services. Even when help-seeking is

initiated by clients, there is a compulsory element. Often, they would not have taken the risks of

engaging with an agency unless desperate, and their desperation is often the result of failures or

deliberate policies of other institutions that look and sound a lot like yours, complete with

acronyms and bland institutional architecture. Being aware of this potential backdrop can spur

you to emphasize your humanity and the humanity of your client even more strongly, and to

acknowledge the impersonal aspects of the agency and the help-seeking process.

Guiding Metaphors for Engagement
How we engage with clients is often based on guiding metaphors or schemas we carry around

unconsciously. One assumptive framework that helpers often and mistakenly bring to

engagement is the Drama Triangle of perpetrator, victim, and rescuer (Thomas, 2007). The social

worker, is, of course, the rescuer in this framework. The perpetrator may be the client’s abusive

partner, parent, or an organization that the client finds oppressive, like a payday lender or a

megabank with unscrupulous practices. Yet the roles can easily change. If the social worker must

report dangerous behavior and invoke social control, such as arrest, foster care, or involuntary

psychiatric hospitalization, then suddenly the social worker goes from rescuer to perpetrator in

the mind of the client. Or if the client, trying to safeguard their economic well-being or family

unity, lies to the social worker about their income or parenting practices, then the social worker

may feel manipulated and become the victim. It’s even possible that the client becomes the

rescuer, as when an idealistic social worker is viewed as needing protection from grim realities

or when the client feels obliged to educate the social worker about cultural truths.

What framework would be more helpful to effective engagement, and less likely to fall into a

paradigm that replicates unhealthy power relationships? Think back to your immersion

experience working with the hypothetical scenario involving Louisa and her aunt and uncle, as

well as your supervisor. One quality that applies to every participant is in-betweenness. Louisa is

caught in between her feelings for her boyfriend and her desire to not upset her relatives who are

acting as foster parents. They are caught between their support for Louisa’s happiness and their

fear for her safety. You are caught in the same ways and are also situated between Louisa and

her aunt and uncle, as a mediator. Not only that, but you are in between your supervisor and your

clients, seeking to explain your thinking to the former, get feedback, and translate that feedback

into practice.

On a macro level, everyone involved is also in-between: powerful institutions like the

educational system, the criminal justice system, the immigration and naturalization system and

the child welfare system may all exert support and/or control over the lives of Louisa and her

family. And don’t forget the institutions that govern you in this immersion experience: on a

hypothetical level, your field agency, and on a real level, your university, which is in turn

governed by the Council for Social Work Education.

Overwhelmed yet? And this is just a made-up situation! But fear not. The truth is, we have

abundant experience at being in-between. Our lives are inherently made up of these mutually

mediating relationships, where shifts in the needs and wants of the different stakeholders demand

a response in real time. The more of this interdependence we recognize and understand, the more

skillful our responses become. And the engagement framework of “being in-between” has

several advantages over that of “Perpetrator-Victim-Rescuer.”

1. When we recognize that we are in-between, involved from the get-go in mediated
relationships among self, clients, agency, organizations, and historic inequalities, then

we communicate differently. We acknowledge our own role in mediating these forces

and the vulnerabilities and strengths we must respect in playing this role.

2. When we recognize that our clients are in-between, we can help them see their options in
mediating their own relationships with each other and with the institutions and

community partners that influence them. We frame the social problems that clients bring

in terms of the pushes and pulls they experience and share.

3. When we see how we are all in-between together, yet in different positions vis-a-vis
power and privilege, we understand the importance of aligning ourselves with those

pushes and pulls that stand to support client well-being and development, as well as the

important of pushing back against those forces that stand to undermine such well-being

and development.

4. Another result of being “in-between together” is that we convey authentic solidarity with
our clients. From our own lived experience of being in-between, we know how complex

it is to fulfill our roles and meet our mutual responsibilities in a world that is often

organized to undermine that fulfillment.

5. From the perspective of in-between-ness, we can better appreciate the social nature of
meaning-making. We can participate in that process by helping our clients observe how

they are constructing their stories and by extending those stories to include the

underlying love, care, hurt, injustice, helplessness, intelligence, wisdom, perseverance,

courage, loss, and healing that happen when we live in between.

6. By knowing we are located in between our clients and our agency (with its policies,
culture, supervision, and teamwork), we can better interpret and navigate our roles. At

different points we may act as translators, advocates, integrators, coaches, investigators,

and defenders.

Practice Exercise
Let’s imagine that your practicum experience includes clients mandated for treatment,
whom you see at a county jail. For example, partners found guilty of domestic violence
(now referred to more commonly in research literature as Intimate Partner Violence) are
often required to participate in anger management groups as a condition of release. You
are holding your first group meeting today. Having read each participant’s file, you
expect a range of levels of personal accountability. How would you respond to each
group participant’s statement in a way that deepened individual and group
engagement? Remember, on the way to a working relationship the three stages of
engagement are receptivity, expectancy, and investment. These stages apply to groups
as well as to individuals and families. The difference is that these stages apply both
individually and to the group as a whole. Within the group there will be leaders and
followers: those who buy in sooner, and those who are more ambivalent. Review each
group member statement below, and think about how you can utilize the power of the
group itself in your responses.

Group Engagement

1. Group Member Statement: “This is bullshit. It takes two to tango. Every time I
lost my temper, she pushed and pushed until I couldn’t help it.”

Your Response:“You’re right, it does take two to tango. I’m sure a lot of people
in this room have similar experiences. We’ll look at what pushes each of your
buttons and what choices you have when that happens. When we get to that
part of the conversation, would you be okay with sharing what she does that
makes it hard for you to control yourself?”

2. Group Member Statement: “I’m just here to get my card checked and get out of
here. I’ve already learned my lesson.”

Your Response:“It sounds like you feel pretty confident that you won’t repeat
the same mistakes. I wonder if other group members might benefit from your
experience. How did you learn your lesson?”

3. Group Member Statement: “What do you know about real life? You look like
you’re about 15 years old. Go out and get roughed up a little, and then see if
you have something to teach me.”

Your Response:“You have every right to doubt my ability to help you. That’s
one reason we do this in groups. My job isn’t to dispense advice about how you
should live your life. It’s more about setting up the rules and the topics so you
can help each other.”

4. Group Member Statement: Hey, guys. You won’t believe what the guard told
me last night. So juicy! Your Response: “It sounds like you have a great story

to tell, but I’m going to ask you to hold off until the group is over. We could
easily tell stories for the whole two hours, and I’m sure you’re not the only one
with a good one, but if we don’t stick to the mission you won’t get off probation
and you won’t learn what you need to stay off. Speaking of which, that’s my first
question for each of you: Why are you here?”

As you can see, as a group facilitator entering into a subculture with different rules of
engagement, you have to find a way to create strong group norms without alienating the
members. Every response you make tells the members what kind of group you are
hoping to create. While establishing roles can be collaborative, in group settings much
of this work is done during group screening and orientation. By the time the first group
meeting is held, there should be an intellectual agreement as to the purpose of the
group, based on the goals of the members (even if those goals are simply to conform
with requirements). The first two or three sessions are then devoted to converting this
intellectual agreement into an emotional investment.

Summary
In this second week of our focus on engagement, we have gone beyond individual and
family engagement to learn about how to apply the same principles to engaging groups,
communities, and organizations. We have challenged you to be alert for the impulse to
be a rescuer, and instead see yourself as a bridge, connecting clients to their own
histories, resources, and each other. We have considered the deeper global meaning of
being in-between: a condition of interdependent humanity that we share with our clients.

We have used case examples to get a feel for how the engagement process (gathering
information, bracketing biases, making human connections, and collaboratively
determining roles, problems, goals and methods) happens on mezzo and macro levels.
We have also left the comfort of more familiar settings to see how being both flexible
and goal-focused looks when we are the cultural minority, whether in a rural community
in a developing country, a prison, or a foster home. One of the greatest rewards of
globally aware social work is that is changes us if we let it. Engagement is much more
than a set of techniques. It is a way of life.

Next up we will seek to understand the assessment process infused with global values.
It is tempting to go right from engagement to planning for action. After all, we now know
what our clients want and, to some degree, how we can help them get there. We’ve
done a lot of assessment already as we’ve engaged individuals, families, groups and
communities regarding their problems. But short-cuts in the assessment process often
lead to dead ends in the intervention stage. Over the next two weeks we will delve into
the assessment process. Since assessment is continual, start thinking now about what
you know and don’t know about your clients, and notice how you play an active role in
constructing that knowledge.

Social Work in Global Settings

Perhaps the ultimate experience of being in-between, and one that can help us empathize more

fully with displaced people, is that of international social work. While global social work has

been defined so far in terms of global values and awareness of global trends that impact

vulnerable people, we can also look at global social work as what occurs in international settings.

Although your practicum setting is (as of this writing, anyway!) within the boundaries of the

United States, you should be prepared to translate your practice to settings in which the

worldviews and resources are vastly different. We will examine a case study (from the actual

experience of the author’s friend) that sheds light on this process of translation. This example

also demonstrates how social workers can effectively situate themselves between communities

and organizations, bringing to light opportunities for solving social problems that were latent but

not yet visible.

Group Engagement
Whether inside the walls of a community-based organization, or out in the community itself,

social work often involves getting together with groups. Some of these groups are already

formed along natural lines of affiliation, such as the fisherfolk in the case study above, and some

are formed intentionally with help from the organization, to meet a specific need at a specific

time. A global approach to group engagement means creating norms of mutual respect and

recognizing the interdependence, resilience, and history of the community you serve. The word

“community” may also be deceiving, because members of oppressed/marginalized/colonized

populations often do not have a strong sense of cohesion. Those who are clients of social service

agencies are often there because they have fallen through the cracks and may not be considered

community members in good standing. They may be dealing with a great deal of shame and

internalized messages about their “badness.” One purpose of group engagement, then, is to

restore the sense of belonging: first to the group as a microcosm, and then to the community

itself.

Practice Exercise
Let’s imagine that your practicum experience includes clients mandated for treatment, whom you

see at a county jail. For example, partners found guilty of domestic violence (now referred to

more commonly in research literature as Intimate Partner Violence) are often required to

participate in anger management groups as a condition of release. You are holding your first

group meeting today. Having read each participant’s file, you expect a range of levels of

personal accountability. How would you respond to each group participant’s statement in a way

that deepened individual and group engagement? Remember, on the way to a working

relationship the three stages of engagement are receptivity, expectancy, and investment. These

stages apply to groups as well as to individuals and families. The difference is that these stages

apply both individually and to the group as a whole. Within the group there will be leaders and

followers: those who buy in sooner, and those who are more ambivalent. Review each group

member statement below, and think about how you can utilize the power of the group itself in

your responses.

Summary

In this second week of our focus on engagement, we have gone beyond individual and
family engagement to learn about how to apply the same principles to engaging groups,
communities, and organizations. We have challenged you to be alert for the impulse to
be a rescuer, and instead see yourself as a bridge, connecting clients to their own
histories, resources, and each other. We have considered the deeper global meaning of
being in-between: a condition of interdependent humanity that we share with our clients.

We have used case examples to get a feel for how the engagement process (gathering
information, bracketing biases, making human connections, and collaboratively
determining roles, problems, goals and methods) happens on mezzo and macro levels.
We have also left the comfort of more familiar settings to see how being both flexible
and goal-focused looks when we are the cultural minority, whether in a rural community
in a developing country, a prison, or a foster home. One of the greatest rewards of
globally aware social work is that is changes us if we let it. Engagement is much more
than a set of techniques. It is a way of life.

Next up we will seek to understand the assessment process infused with global values.
It is tempting to go right from engagement to planning for action. After all, we now know
what our clients want and, to some degree, how we can help them get there. We’ve
done a lot of assessment already as we’ve engaged individuals, families, groups and
communities regarding their problems. But short-cuts in the assessment process often
lead to dead ends in the intervention stage. Over the next two weeks we will delve into
the assessment process. Since assessment is continual, start thinking now about what
you know and don’t know about your clients, and notice how you play an active role in
constructing that knowledge.

References
Coleman, M., & Agnew, J., Eds. (2018). Handbook on the geographies of power. Cheltenham,

UK: Edward Elgar.

Sociology homework help

Family Assessment Recording Assignment

Instructions

• Make sure you use appropriate grammar, spelling and composition.

• Make complete sentences for each section.

• Do not leave any section blank, do not use N/A or do not state “don’t know”.
When information is unknown use this as an example but put in your own words…

(The client did not disclose any information about legal issues at this time. Social Work

Student will follow up with the client in regards to any legal issues at a later date).

• Please use headings for each section…..not numbers (ex: Family Strengths, Family
Structure, Presenting Problem, etc.). Points will be deducted if you do not identify

the section.

• Remember that you are completing a “family assessment”. The referred client has
been identified but you still need to obtain information on each family member.

• Family Assessment and Questions should be completed separately…On a separate
page from the assessment.

• A few of the main characters but not limited to…

Alex Chivescu Ms. Edinger

Ileana Nistor Henry

Ms. Carson Carlos

Principal Thomas Brent

Lucy

Danny

Jen

Mr. and Mrs. Franks

Mr. and Mrs. Bante

Family Assessment Outline: “Finding a Family”

1. List the names and ages. (Identify the client and family members).

2. Identify at least 3 strength(s) of each family member (personal qualities, characteristics,
talents, etc.). Give examples (ex: The client is very intelligent. He scored a 35 on his

ACT)

3. Describe the family structure (relationships, what did the family look like before the
problem(s) occurred, patterns of interaction, family norms, rules, family roles, etc.).

4. Identify the problem(s): (detailed description of the problem(s), onset-when did it start,
duration-how long, frequency-how often, risk factors, how does the family look since

the problem occurred, why the family was referred, etc.).

5. Identify 3 areas of concern for the family and arrange in order of importance (key areas
of family conflict).

6. Identify communication patterns in the family system (verbal, non-verbal, feelings,
attitudes, tone, volume, perspectives, etc.).

7. Identify any cultural significance in the family system (special issues with racial/ethnic
identity, religion/spirituality, traditions, morals, holidays, celebration, values, customs of

the family, etc.).

8. Identify the sociocultural make-up of the family (community involvement, social
environment, societal influences, political factors, and economic factors, etc.).

9. Identify the socioeconomic status of the family (financial resources, healthcare, housing,
transportation, etc.).

10. Identify social support systems for the family (friends, family, community, agencies,
institutions, etc.). List them as formal or informal. Identify their role(s) within the

family system.

11. Identify the Education make-up of the family (Educational history/present/future,
school involvement, degrees, school participation, etc.).

12. Identify the Employment make-up of the family (Employment history/present/future,
list of skills and interest, employment history, etc.).

13. Identify any medical history of the family (diagnosis, medication, hospitalization, etc.)

14. Identify any emotional/psychiatry history of the family (diagnosis, medication,
hospitalization, etc.).

15. Identify any abuse history of the family (physical, sexual, emotional, or neglect).

16. Identify any suicidal or homicidal history of the family (attempts, statements, etc.).

17. Identify any alcohol or drug abuse history of the family.

18. Identify any trauma related history of the family (incidents, accidents, deaths,
placements, etc.)

19. Identify any criminal/legal history of the family (police, courts, placements, etc.)

20. Complete the following questions based on the Family Assessment Recording
Assignment. Write complete sentences, use appropriate grammar/composition and

make sure answers are detailed. Utilize the Methods I textbook (Understanding

Generalist Practice) to assist with answering the following questions.

21. Describe how the client displayed resilience (from age 10-17).

22. Describe the client’s problem-solving skills (from age 10-17).

23. Discuss the client’s difficulties with social transition (from age 10-17).

24. Discuss the client’s difficulties with interpersonal conflict (from age 10-17).

25. After completion of the assessment, identify at least 3 other agencies that could have
been of assistance to this family. Support your answer.

26. Describe what type of family social worker was assigned to this family (identify the
agency and job title of the social worker).

27. Describe some of the duties displayed by the family social worker.

28. Describe some of the barriers the social worker encountered while assisting the family?

29. In your opinion, did the social worker provide the appropriate support to the family?
Why or Why not? Give example(s).

30. If you were the family social worker at that agency, what would you have done
differently to assist this family? Support your answer.

31. As the family social worker, how would you have terminated services with the family?

Sociology homework help

Cultural Construct Amongst African Americans

James Goggans

Trident University

Instructor: Dr. Maria Luque

MHS502 Cultural Diversity in Health Sciences

8 May 2022

Nutritional Construct

Meaning of food

Food is not just a nutrition element buts a cultural identity and a catalyst for African Americans to connect to their values. Food brings people together and helps them fellowship beyond bloodline relatives. Food always connects the community to the solidarity of enslaved ancestors.

Common foods

The typical food amongst African American families includes mashed potatoes and gravy, red beans and rice, homemade macaroni and cheese, seasoned vegetables, fried chicken, and ice-cold tea. These foods may not be considered healthy, but they are exciting and warm the hearts of many African Americans.

Rituals

African Americans prepare traditional cuisines that embody cultural legacies, making most of their meals flavorful and rich. Most eat three times a day, but lunch and dinner are the most basic meals. In most families, people pray before they eat. They are also required to serve or arrange plates and food in a specific order. Most foods are associated with drinks, The type of food prepared in an event depends on the nature of the event and the guests.

Deficiencies

Vitamin D deficiency is more prevalent among African Americans compared to other ethnic groups. Most young and healthy African Americans fail to attain optimal 25-hydroxyvitamin D concentration throughout the year (Ames et al., 2021).

Limitations

Most members of this ethnic group fall short of recommended dietary allowances for Vitamin B-6, Vitamin E, Zinc, and Magnesium. The community also obtains 355 calories from fat and gets 12% from saturated fat. Most of their foods also expose them to lifestyle diseases such as obesity.

Health Promotion

Health promotion activities appear to be modestly working in the African American population. Research shows that African Americans suffer health disparities that increase their vulnerability to disease and death. Culturally appropriate interventions are necessary for closing these gaps and enhancing the outcomes. Health promotional materials and approaches must be culturally appropriate for effective outcomes.

High-Risk Behaviors

Tobacco-Tobacco use is a significant contributor to death among African Americans. African American youth and young adults are significant smokers, although the prevalence is lower than whites and Hispanics. Compared to white Americans, African Americans start smoking at a later age compared to whites. However, African American children are more vulnerable to secondhand smoke than all other ethnic groups and generally have higher cotinine levels than non-smokers of other races.

Alcohol-African Americans engage in risky alcohol consumption behaviors compared to other ethnic communities. Research shows that excessive alcohol consumption among younger adults enhances their vulnerabilities to irresponsible sexual behavior (Mertzger et al., 2018), increasing their chances of contracting HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases and infections.

Recreational Drugs

African Americans are overrepresented in substance abuse and recreational drugs in the US. For example, 6.9% of African Americans have substance abuse disorder compared to 7.4% of the total population. In terms of illicit drug disorder, 3.4% of African Americans have the disorder compared to 3% of the total population. It is also reported that African Americans do not always receive rehabilitation treatment when they need it.

Physical Activity

African Americans are less active in physical activities compared to whites. Although physical activity participation has improved slightly, participation is still low and decreases with age. The range of black youth engaging in physical activities ranges from 33% to 52%, while that of black adults ranges between 27% to 52%. Due to their less engagement in physical activity, African Americans are highly vulnerable to lifestyle diseases such as diabetes and obesity.

Safety

African American adults are less likely to report that they feel safe. In healthcare, they distrust healthcare quality and consider alternative healthcare options in illness. About half of the population also report feeling safe when walking alone at night. Due to many dears that may result from discrimination, African Americans take all precautionary measures to maintain their safety.

Death Rituals

Death is a significant rite of passage among African Americans that prepares the deceased’s spirit for the next realm of life. The community prepares well the body of the deceased in preparation for burial. African Americans dress their loved ones respectfully, as an important part of the death rituals. They also wash the body, dress it, and groom the hair (Roberson et al., 2018). The funeral service is taken seriously and can be postponed to ensure all close members attend. It is common to decorate the coffin and the grave.

Bereavement

Flower girls pay special attention to grieving family members. Nurses may be around to help mourners who may be overwhelmed. Africa Americans extend their helping hand to close family members during bereavement. Family members, however, get comfort from the belief that their loved ones are in a safe place and are watching over them.

Spirituality Construct

Religious practices-Christianity is the predominant religion among African Americans. Christianity is a vibrant spiritual and institutional force that African Americans hold dearly. Some religious practices include attending religious services, taking your official roles, reading religious books like the Bible, watching religious programs on TV and listening to the radio, and praying at individual and group levels.

Use of prayer-Prayer is an essential aspect of spiritual and religious fulfillment. Prayer is a ritualistic behavior among African Americans, and they do it often at an individual, family, or even congregation levels. Prayer is used to thank God, change the outcomes of difficult situations, and seek forgiveness. African Americans report that they experience positive emotions when they pray.

Meaning of life-African Americans believes that God is the source of life and that human beings were created with a purpose. Therefore, they adhere to a system of religious beliefs as they find meaning in their lives. African Americans also link religiosity to well-being and believe they cannot live well without integrating religion and spirituality in their lives. They also perceive religion as a source of help in adversity in their lives.

Individual strength

African Americans believe in individual strength, which comes from God. They read the Bible and get inspiration from religious stories to get strength. When they face difficulties, they turn to the church for strength.

Spirituality and Health

African Americans consider the church and spirituality a significant source of hope during illness. When feeling unwell, a lack American uses spirituality to feel the inner strength, resulting in faster recovery. Spirituality is directly linked to patient outcomes such as anxiety, depression, and the quality of life. Patients battling chronic illnesses resort to the church and faith, where they find solace and hope (Holt et al., 2018). Integrating spirituality with medication and therapy is also believed to improve healthcare outcomes.

References

Ames, B. N., Grant, W. B., & Willett, W. C. (2021). Does the high prevalence of vitamin D deficiency in African Americans contribute to health disparities?. Nutrients, 13(2), 499.

Holt, C. L., Roth, D. L., Huang, J., & Clark, E. M. (2018). Role of religious, social support in longitudinal relationships between religiosity and health-related outcomes in African Americans. Journal of behavioral medicine, 41(1), 62-73.

Metzger, I. W., Salami, T., Carter, S., Halliday-Boykins, C., Anderson, R. E., Jernigan, M. M., & Ritchwood, T. (2018). African American emerging adults’ experiences with racial discrimination and drinking habits: The moderating roles of perceived stress. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 24(4), 489.

Roberson, K., Smith, T., & Davidson, W. (2018). Understanding Death Rituals. International Journal of Childbirth Education, 33(3).

Sociology homework help

Week 5 dq2 response 6 449

Stephanie Flores

Hello Professor Smith and Classmates,

The two cases I will be using for the purpose of this discussion post are the Marta Ramirez case study and the getting back to Shakopee case video.

For Marta Ramirez, she was referred to social services because her children had missed seven days of school which in her state constitutes as educational neglect. I chose the Beck Depression Inventory because the social worker had identified the possibility of Marta possibly having depression, and additionally I would choose a test similar to OARS for (but more age appropriate for Marta) assessing her strengths and social networking. “Other tools can be applied to a range of client populations to measure variables such as social functioning, caregiver burden, well-being, mental health, and social networks,” (Hepworth, D. H., Rooney, R. H., Rooney, G. D., & Strom-Gottfried, K., 2017)

For Valerie, her issues are specific to intrapersonal communication issues in the workplace, low self-esteem, and depression. I would choose the Michigan Alcoholism Screening Test (MAST) in conjunction with the CAGE mnemonic device in order to gauge her level of alcohol dependency because it is already established in the video that she struggles with alcoholism. I would also possibly use the Beck Depression Inventory to determine if depression could be another factor in Valerie’s situation because during the course of her interview with the social worker she had little to no affect, emotion, or appropriate change in tone when speaking to the social worker and had indicated that she may be struggling with depression.

Possible engagement skills and questioning techniques I would use with Valerie are asking her questions about her own perception of what her strengths are. I believe this would give me an idea in regards to her self-esteem where she is, and may also help her identify her own set of strengths that we would be able to utilize in her treatment. Additionally, I would want to ask questions about the particular situation that led Valerie to seek social services. In the video she explains her boss said she has poor intrapersonal communication skills among her coworkers. In order to get a better understanding of the situation, I would want to ask Valerie questions surrounding the behaviors of herself and others in the situation. “Antecedents often give valuable clues about the behavior of one participant that may provoke or offend another participant, thereby triggering a negative reaction, followed by a counter negative reaction, thus setting the reciprocal interaction in motion. In addition to finding out about the circumstances preceding troubling episodes, it is important to learn about the consequences or outcomes associated with problematic behaviors. These results may shed light on factors that perpetuate or reinforce the client’s difficulties.” (Hepworth, et al, 2017) In the video, the social worker uses this technique and discovers that Valerie was under stress from a tight deadline when her coworker threw additional work on her desk and demanded that she put that work as priority over what she was struggling to complete. Additionally, prior to this event, Valerie had expressed to the social worker that her coworkers had been isolating her and making her feel excluded from them for lunch outings and work get togethers. Using this technique allows you to let Valerie process the events and gives you more information on Valerie’s motivations and reasons for her behavior that extend beyond just her having poor communication skills with her coworkers.

Class, what are your thoughts?

Respectfully,

Stephanie

———————–

References:

Hepworth, D. H., Rooney, R. H., Rooney, G. D., & Strom-Gottfried, K. (2017). Assessment: Exploring and Understanding Problems and Strengths. Direct Social Work Practice: Theory and Skills (10th ed.). Cengage Learning.

Sociology homework help

American Sociological Review
2014, Vol. 79(5) 1015 –1037
© American Sociological
Association 2014
DOI: 10.1177/0003122414546931
http://asr.sagepub.com

Children are not passive players in the repro-
duction of social inequalities. We know that
children’s behaviors vary with social class
and generate stratified profits in school
(Calarco 2011; Farkas 1996; Streib 2011).
Less clear is how children learn to activate
class-based strategies and how those lessons
contribute to stratification. Scholars typically
treat cultural acquisition as an implicit pro-
cess in which class-based childrearing prac-
tices automatically shape children’s behavior
(Arnett 1995; Heath 1983; Lareau 2011).
Given parents’ active management of chil-
dren’s lives (Edwards 2004; Lareau 2000;
Nelson 2010) and children’s active resistance
to parents’ desires (Chin and Phillips 2004;
Pugh 2009), however, cultural transmission
may involve more agency than implicit
socialization models imply. Furthermore,
while scholars assume that parents’ cultural

coaching reproduces inequalities (e.g., Lar-
eau 2011), research has not linked these
efforts to their payoff for children in school.

To investigate these possibilities, this
study examines how parents actively transmit
culture to children, how children respond, and
how those responses generate stratified prof-
its. I base these analyses on a longitudinal
ethnographic study of middle- and working-
class families in one elementary school. I
conducted observations and in-depth
interviews with the children, their parents,

546931ASRXXX10.1177/0003122414546931American Sociological ReviewCalarco
2014

aIndiana University

Corresponding Author:
Jessica McCrory Calarco, Indiana University,
Department of Sociology, 1020 East Kirkwood
Avenue, Ballantine Hall, 744 Bloomington, IN
47405-7103
E-mail: jcalarco@indiana.edu

Coached for the Classroom:
Parents’ Cultural Transmission
and Children’s Reproduction
of Educational Inequalities

Jessica McCrory Calarcoa

Abstract
Scholars typically view class socialization as an implicit process. This study instead shows
how parents actively transmit class-based cultures to children and how these lessons reproduce
inequalities. Through observations and interviews with children, parents, and teachers, I
found that middle- and working-class parents expressed contrasting beliefs about appropriate
classroom behavior, beliefs that shaped parents’ cultural coaching efforts. These efforts led
children to activate class-based problem-solving strategies, which generated stratified profits
at school. By showing how these processes vary along social class lines, this study reveals a
key source of children’s class-based behaviors and highlights the efforts by which parents and
children together reproduce inequalities.

Keywords
culture, inequality, education, family, children

1016 American Sociological Review 79(5)

and their teachers. I found that parents con-
tributed to social reproduction by actively
equipping children with class-based strategies
that generated unequal outcomes when acti-
vated at school. Parents’ relationships with
the school varied by social class and shaped
their beliefs about teachers’ behavioral expec-
tations. Those beliefs led parents to adopt
contrasting strategies for managing problems
at school and to coach their children to do the
same. Specifically, working-class parents
stressed “no-excuses” problem-solving,
encouraging children to respect teachers’
authority by not seeking help. Middle-class
parents instead taught “by-any-means” problem-
solving, urging children to negotiate with
teachers for assistance. These ongoing and
often deliberate coaching efforts equipped
even reluctant children with the tools needed
to activate class-based strategies on their own
behalf. Such activation, in turn, prompted
stratified responses from teachers and thus
created unequal advantages in school.

This study has important implications.
First, it clarifies class-based socialization
models by showing that children’s acquisition
of class-based behaviors is neither implicit
nor automatic; rather, cultural transmission
involves active efforts by both parents and
children. Second, it helps explain class-stratified
childrearing patterns, suggesting that parents’
efforts reflect beliefs stemming from their
positions in the social hierarchy. Third, it
demonstrates that by examining how cultural
transmission varies along social class lines,
and by linking these processes to their payoff
in schools, we can better understand the
mechanisms of social reproduction.

ClAss, CulTuRE, And
REPRoduCTIon of
InEquAlITIEs

Scholars conceptualize culture in myriad ways
(Small, Harding, and Lamont 2010), but here I
view culture as a “tool kit” that includes both
“strategies of action” (Swidler 1986) and “log-
ics of action” (DiMaggio 1997). Strategies of
action are skills or behaviors used in social

situations (Bourdieu 1990; Lareau and
Weininger 2003). Logics of action are frames
for interpreting situations (Harding 2007;
Small 2004). This view of culture recognizes
that individuals might behave differently in the
same situation because they possess different
strategies for use in that situation, or because
they interpret the situation differently and thus
choose to activate different strategies.

While cultural tool kits have numerous
dimensions (e.g., gender, age, race, and eth-
nicity), research on tool kits generally focuses
on social class (Bourdieu 1990; Lareau 2000).
To identify social classes, tool-kit scholars
typically use educational and occupational
attainment (Aschaffenburg and Maas 1997;
Condron 2009).1 In doing so, they find that
middle- and working-class individuals per-
ceive themselves differently in relation to
dominant institutions and also possess differ-
ent strategies for navigating those settings
(Lamont 1992, 2009; Lubrano 2004; Stuber
2012). Compared to their working-class coun-
terparts, middle-class individuals experience a
stronger sense of belonging in schools and
other institutional arenas (Carter 2005; Khan
2010; Lareau 2000; Lubrano 2004). They also
see their status as equaling or surpassing that
of institutional professionals and are thus
more comfortable demanding accommoda-
tions from institutions (Brantlinger 2003;
Cucchiara and Horvat 2008; Lareau 2000).

Class-based cultural tool kits are closely
linked to inequalities (Bourdieu 1990; Lareau
and Weininger 2003). Within a social setting,
behaviors will generate profits if they con-
verge with the culture of that setting. Poorly
aligned behaviors, in contrast, will produce
few or no advantages, and may even result in
sanctions.

Research shows, for example, that chil-
dren’s activation of class-based tool kits can
generate unequal advantages. In school, chil-
dren tend to behave in class-patterned ways
that produce stratified consequences (Heath
1983; Nelson and Schutz 2007; Streib 2011).
Middle-class children more readily voice
their needs and, in doing so, attract more
immediate attention and more complete sup-
port from teachers (Calarco 2011). These

Calarco 1017

inequalities reflect teachers’ and administra-
tors’ expectations that students will behave in
“middle-class” ways (Carter 2005; Farkas
1996; Mehan 1980; Wren 1999). While
working-class students must play catch-up,
middle-class students come to school ready to
meet these expectations (Bernstein 1990;
Foley 1990; Lubienski 2000) and to reap the
benefits—including higher grades and higher
competence ratings from teachers (Farkas
1996; Jennings and DiPrete 2010; Tach and
Farkas 2006). What research on culture and
classroom interactions has not examined,
however, is how children learn these different
strategies or why they activate them in the
classroom.

fAMIlIEs And
REPRoduCTIon of
InEquAlITIEs

Socialization scholars imply that children’s
class-based behaviors emerge automatically in
response to class-based childrearing practices
(Arnett 1995). Middle- and working-class
parents typically adopt different childrearing
styles, and their children behave in different
ways (Chin and Phillips 2004; Edwards 2004;
Heath 1983). Lareau (2011:6), for example,
shows middle-class parents allowing children
to negotiate and assert themselves and their
children displaying an “emerging sense of
entitlement.” Working-class parents, in turn,
emphasize obedience and deference to author-
ity, and their children demonstrate an “emerg-
ing sense of constraint.” Lareau concludes that
children’s behaviors are likely an implicit and
automatic response to class-based childrearing
practices.

Such explanations, however, have two
important limitations. First, they ignore the
possibility of more active cultural transmis-
sion (Elder 1974; Pugh 2009; Thorne 1993).
Research shows that parents and children can
both be very strategic in their actions. Middle-
class parents, for example, intervene for their
children at school (Brantlinger 2003; Lareau
2000; Nelson 2010), and working-class par-
ents try to manage how their families are

perceived by others (Edwards 2004). Yet,
because scholars pay little attention to the log-
ics of action that guide childrearing decisions,
it is unclear whether or how parents deliber-
ately try to equip children to manage their
own challenges. Similarly, while scholars
have documented children’s rejection of par-
ents’ wishes (Chin and Phillips 2004; Pugh
2009; Zelizer 2002), they have not fully
explored how children come to accept and
utilize parents’ class-based lessons. Lareau
(2011), for example, observed children only in
interactions with parents and did not conduct
interviews with them. Thus, she cannot say
how children behave in their parents’ absence
or how children make sense of and internalize
what they learn.

Second, socialization research has done
little to link class-based cultural transmission
to social reproduction. Lareau (2011), for
example, assumes that class-based childrear-
ing patterns matter for inequalities. Yet, she
does not show how children’s entitlement or
constraint generates stratified profits. Overall,
while existing research highlights important
social class differences in childrearing, chil-
dren’s behaviors, and classroom advantages,
we know little about how the active efforts of
parents and children contribute to cultural
transmission or how this transmission repro-
duces inequalities.

This study examines these possibilities,
considering how parents prompt children to
activate class-based behaviors and how those
efforts contribute to social reproduction. I do
so by answering the following research
questions:

1. How do parents’ understandings of
appropriate classroom behavior vary
with social class?

2. How do parents actively teach children
class-based behaviors?

3. How do children come to activate par-
ents’ preferred behaviors?

4. How does this activation reproduce
social inequalities?

I answer these questions with data from a
longitudinal, ethnographic study of middle-

1018 American Sociological Review 79(5)

and working-class, white families whose chil-
dren attended the same elementary school.

REsEARCh METhods
Research Site and Sample

Maplewood (all names are pseudonyms) is a
public elementary school near a large, Eastern
city (see Figure 1). While most of Maple-
wood’s families are middle-class, many (~30
percent) are working-class. This allowed me
to compare how middle- and working-class
parents and children interact with each other
and with the same teachers. My connections

to the community (a close relative is a Maple-
wood employee) facilitated access to the site
and acceptance of the project.

At Maplewood, I chose one cohort (four
classrooms) of students to follow from 3rd to
5th grade. The minority population at Maple-
wood was small and stratified, including middle-
class Asian Americans and working-class
Latinos. Thus, to avoid conflating race and
class, I focused on white students. I also
excluded students who moved away. See
Table 1 for sample characteristics and recruit-
ment procedures.

I used surveys and school records to iden-
tify students’ social class backgrounds,

MAPLEWOOD
Public School
500 students
Grades K–5
82% White
9% Latino
6% Asian American
3% African American

Home Types: Apartments, mobile
homes, small single-family homes

Home Values: $150K to $250K

Jobs: Plumber; daycare provider;
sales clerk; waitress; truck driver; etc.

Home Types: Medium to large
single-family homes

Home Values: $250K to $2M

Jobs: Doctor/nurse; lawyer; teacher;
business manager; accountant; etc.

MIDDLE-CLASS NEIGHBORHOODS

WORKING-CLASS NEIGHBORHOODS

figure 1. Research Site

Calarco 1019

grouping them by parents’ educational and
occupational status (Aschaffenburg and Maas
1997; Condron 2009). Middle-class families
had at least one parent with a four-year college
degree and at least one parent in a professional
or managerial occupation. Working-class fam-
ilies did not meet these criteria; parents typi-
cally had high school diplomas and worked
in blue-collar or service jobs. These were
“settled-living” working-class families
(Edwards 2004; Rubin 1976) with steady jobs,
stable relationships, and neat, clean homes.
There were, however, a few single-parents in
both class groups. While these parents some-
times felt overwhelmed with responsibilities,
their efforts to teach their children closely
paralleled those of two-parent families from
similar class backgrounds.

Data Collection

The longitudinal study included in-school
observations; in-depth interviews with chil-
dren, parents, and teachers; parent surveys;
and analyses of students’ school records.
Table 2 provides details. I observed during
the students’ 3rd-, 4th-, and 5th-grade school
years, visiting Maplewood at least twice

weekly, with each observation lasting approx-
imately three hours. I divided time equally
between the four classrooms in each grade
and rotated the days and times I observed
each class. During observations, I used ethno-
graphic jottings to document interactions I
observed and to record pieces of dialog from
informal conversations with teachers and stu-
dents. After each observation, I expanded
these jottings into detailed fieldnotes.

Ethnographers must make hard choices. In
this study, I focused my three years of obser-
vations in classrooms so as to see the payoff
of parents’ efforts. As a result, the study does
not include systematic home observations.
Still, I was able to observe parent-child inter-
actions during school events and during inter-
views in family homes. These observations
corroborated the numerous reports of parent-
child coaching that I gathered from inter-
views with children, parents, and teachers.

All interviews were audio-recorded and
transcribed. I used these interviews to under-
stand children’s home lives, school experi-
ences, and interactions with parents, teachers,
and classmates. When speaking with parents
and students, I concluded each interview by
asking interviewees to respond to four

Table 1. Participants by Role and Type of Participation

Classroom
Observationsa In-Home Interviewsbc

Parent
Surveys

Students
White, Working-Class 14 9
White, Middle-Class 42 12
Parents
White, Working-Class 9 14
White, Middle-Class 15 42
Teachers 17 12

aI solicited parents’ consent for observation of all students in the target cohort at Maplewood, receiving
permission for all but 19 children. For this analysis, I excluded minority students (n = 10) and children
who moved away during the study (n = 12).
bI interviewed parents and children from the same families, selecting families from those who were
already participating in the observation portion of the study. I contacted all 14 working-class families
and a randomly selected group of 15 middle-class families to participate in interviews. Although 27
families agreed to participate, scheduling conflicts prevented some interviews from taking place.
cMost parents interviewed were mothers (I asked to speak with children’s primary caregivers). The
sample includes two single fathers (both working-class) and three married fathers (all middle-class) who
participated in interviews with their wives. Most participants were in married, two-parent families; six
parents were divorced (three working-class, three middle-class).

1020 American Sociological Review 79(5)

vignettes. These vignettes described typical
classroom challenges (e.g., “Jason is strug-
gling to understand the directions on a test”)
and were based on situations I had observed
or learned about through conversations with
teachers. With each vignette, I asked inter-
viewees to describe how the characters should
respond to the situation (e.g., “What do you
think Jason should do?”). I also asked partici-
pants to discuss similar experiences in their
own lives. I then coded these open-ended
responses and used them to compare respond-
ents’ attitudes across social class and genera-
tional lines. I present some of these
comparisons to highlight patterns documented
in the larger ethnographic study.

Data Analysis

I conducted an ongoing process of data analy-
sis, regularly reviewing fieldnotes and

interview transcripts and writing analytic
memos (Emerson, Fretz, and Shaw 1995). I
used the memos to identify emerging themes
in the data, discuss connections to existing
research, and pose additional questions. After
creating a preliminary coding scheme from
themes in the memos, I used ATLAS.ti to
code sections of fieldnotes, interview tran-
scripts, documents, and seating charts. While
coding, I also developed data matrices (Miles
and Huberman 1994) to clarify comparisons
and identify disconfirming evidence.

PAREnTs’ undERsTAndIngs
of APPRoPRIATE BEhAvIoR
Before examining parents’ coaching of class-
based strategies, it is important to understand
how social class shaped these efforts.
Research highlights social class differences in
parents’ interactions with their children (Chin

Table 2. Study Overview and Timeline

Grade 3 Grade 4 Grade 5

Period of Study March 2008 to
June 2008

August 2008 to
June 2009

August 2009 to
June 2010

Observationsa 4 Classrooms 4 Classrooms 4 Classrooms
(~20 students each) (~20 students each) (~20 students each)
Twice weekly Twice weekly Twice weekly
3 Hours per visit 3 Hours per visit 3 Hours per visit

Interviews 4 Teachersb 4 Teachers 4 Teachers
21 Studentsc

24 Parentsd

Parent Surveyse 56 Families

School Recordsf 52 Students 52 Students 52 Students

aI observed students in their regular classes and ability-grouped math classes; during enrichment
activities (art, gym, library, music, and Spanish); during lunch and recess; and during assemblies and
other school activities.
bTeacher interviews were conducted mid-way through each school year. Interviews took place in
teachers’ classrooms and lasted approximately 60 to 90 minutes.
cStudent interviews were conducted during the summer after 5th grade, when students were 10 or 11
years old. Interviews took place in children’s homes and lasted about 60 to 90 minutes.
dParent interviews were conducted during the summer after 5th grade. Interviews took place in parents’
homes (except one, which took place in a parent’s office) and lasted approximately 90 to 120 minutes.
eParent surveys collected information on students’ family backgrounds, school achievement,
friendships, and after-school activities.
fStudents’ school records included grades, standardized test scores, and teacher comments, as well as
records of e-mail, phone, and written contact between parents and teachers. Four families closed access
to their children’s school records.

Calarco 1021

and Phillips 2004; Lareau 2011) and with
their children’s schools (Cucchiara and Hor-
vat 2008; Lareau 2000; Nelson 2010). Yet,
scholars say little about the origins of such
patterns. At Maplewood, I found that middle-
and working-class parents had different strat-
egies for managing problems at school. Those
differences reflected parents’ positions in the
status hierarchy, which influenced their com-
fort interacting with the school and led them
to adopt different class-based logics of action
for interpreting the “appropriate” form of
behavior in those settings.

Middle-Class Parents: Modeling
By-Any-Means Problem-Solving

Middle-class parents adopted a by-any-means
approach to solving problems with their chil-
dren’s schooling. They actively intervened to
request support and accommodations, lobby-
ing to have children tested for gifted or spe-
cial needs programs and often writing notes
excusing their children from homework and
other activities. Ms. Bell sent this note to her
son’s 3rd-grade teacher, Ms. Nelson, when he
left his homework at school:

Dear Paula,
Aidan forgot his homework folder yester-
day. As a result, he was not able to do his
homework last night. I will have him com-
plete it this evening. I apologize for the
inconvenience. Last night I had him read
and do math problems from a workbook to
replace homework time. Again, sorry he
won’t be prepared today.
Susan

Middle-class parents seemed to expect their
interventions to generate benefits, and they
were usually correct in that assumption. Ms.
Nelson, for example, generally required stu-
dents to stay in for recess if they forgot their
homework. Given Ms. Bell’s note, however,
Ms. Nelson allowed Aidan to submit the
homework the next day with no penalty.

Middle-class parents adopted this by-any-
means approach to problem-solving because

they interpreted classroom interactions through
a logic of entitlement. Given their educational
and occupational attainment, middle-class par-
ents appeared to perceive themselves as equal
or greater in status relative to children’s teach-
ers. As a result, they were very comfortable
intervening and questioning teachers’ judg-
ments regarding classroom assignments, abil-
ity group placements, testing procedures, and
homework policies. One interview vignette
described a student, “Brian,” who came home
complaining about being “bored” in math
class. As Table 3 shows, parents’ responses to
this vignette divided sharply by social class.
While all the middle-class parents saw the situ-
ation as requiring immediate requests for
accommodations, working-class parents
tended to view deference to teachers’ judg-
ments as the appropriate response.

When asked open-ended questions about
how Brian’s parent should respond in this
situation, all the middle-class parents said
they would talk to the teacher or encourage
Brian to talk to the teacher. Ms. Matthews’s
response was typical of middle-class parents:

I would ask for a higher math class. I think
that would be the obvious first step. And if
that’s not a possibility, then I think asking
for additional work, or asking if Brian could
mentor one of the other children. That way
he could use the knowledge that he has to
help another child learn. I think that would
be a good lesson for him.

Although the teachers worked hard to deter-
mine the appropriate math level for each stu-
dent, Ms. Matthews, like many middle-class
parents, perceived herself as a better judge of
her child’s needs. These parents also believed
they were entitled to negotiate with teachers,
seeing such requests as an “obvious first
step.” At Maplewood, teachers were reluctant
to change students’ placement. Yet, many
middle-class students (but no working-class
students) were moved up due to their parents’
persistent requests.

This entitlement to intervene prompted
middle-class parents to be highly involved at

1022 American Sociological Review 79(5)

school and granted them insider status at
Maplewood. Many middle-class mothers at
Maplewood were full-time parents, but even
employed mothers helped run volunteer pro-
grams, bake sales, and evening events that
raised more than $50,000 annually for the
parent-teacher organization (PTO). In light of
their involvement, middle-class parents were
often deeply familiar with school expectations,
procedures, and personnel. They also readily
exchanged this information with other (typi-
cally middle-class) parents during play-dates,
soccer games, school events, and phone con-
versations. As a result, middle-class parents
knew the sequence and timing of state assess-
ments, the weekly school schedule, and the
procedures for requesting accommodations.

That insider status shaped middle-class
parents’ beliefs about teachers’ behavioral
expectations. They understood that—unlike
when they were in school—teachers valued
questions and requests from both parents and
students. As Ms. Shore, who works full-time
but contacts her children’s teachers regularly
by e-mail, explained:

It’s become more than just a gentle encour-
agement. It’s official. You’re a high-quality
learner if you’re willing to ask questions
when you have one, and [the teachers] actu-
ally reward the asking.

Middle-class parents recognized that although
their own teachers might have balked at such
requests, school expectations had changed.
They assumed that teachers would reward
proactive help-seeking, and thus they adopted
a logic of entitlement in managing problems
at school.

Working-Class Parents: Modeling
No-Excuses Problem-Solving

Unlike their middle-class counterparts, working-
class parents adopted a no-excuses approach
to educational challenges. In light of their
limited educational and occupational attain-
ment, working-class parents generally trusted
the school to decide what was best for their
children. Even when working-class parents
were frustrated with teachers’ decisions, they

Table 3. Summary of Open-Ended Responses to Vignette 1 by Social Class

vignette 1: Brian, a 5th grader, usually gets good grades in math and does well on tests.
Brian comes home from school one day and tells his mom that he is often bored during
math class.
Prompt: What do you think should happen with Brian?

Middle-Class Working-Class

Response by descriptive category Parents Children Parents Children

Brian’s mother should ask the teacher to move
him up or give him extra work

9 5 2 0

Brian should ask the teacher to give him extra
work

3 4 0 0

Brian’s parent should ask for the teacher’s
advice at conferences

0 0 2 0

If it’s really an issue, the teacher would notice
and help Brian

0 0 3 1

Brian just needs to be more focused 0 2 2 5
Brian just does not like the material 0 1 0 3

Total 12 12 9 9

Note: Responses to vignettes were open-ended. I coded responses into categories to highlight patterns.
Coded responses are presented here for ease of comparison.

Calarco 1023

tended not to intervene. Ms. Campitello’s son
Zach, for example, often went to school with
incomplete assignments. In our interview, Ms.
Campitello explained that while she tried to
help Zach with his homework, both she and
Zach struggled with the material. Tears brim-
ming in her eyes, she recalled:

Zach gets so frustrated that he just won’t do
it. And I tried, but it was really, really hard. It
got to the point, honestly, where I just gave
up. . . . I wish the teachers would just help
him at school. Cuz they get this stuff. They
know what the kids are supposed to be doing.

Ms. Campitello believed the school could do
more to help Zach with homework and with
his understanding of the material. Yet, like
other working-class parents, she did not
inform Zach’s teachers or ask for additional
support.

Working-class parents adopted this no-
excuses approach to problem-solving because
they interpreted classroom interactions through
a logic of constraint. Given their educational
and occupational attainment, they perceived
themselves as less knowledgeable than “expert”
educators and thus avoided questioning teach-
ers’ judgments. Responding to the Brian
vignette, for example, none of the working-
class parents said they would ask the teacher to
move Brian to a higher math level (see Table
3). Similarly, in 2nd grade, Ms. Trumble noticed
that her son, Jeremy, was not reading as well as
his older siblings had at that age. Ms. Trumble
worried, but she did not intervene:

I thought maybe there was something
wrong, but I didn’t wanna say anything. I
think the teachers are pretty good. If there’s
any kind of problem, I think they’d jump on
it right then and there to help. Like [in kin-
dergarten] they figured out that Jeremy had
some speech problems and they got him into
speech therapy.

Even when their children were struggling,
working-class parents “didn’t wanna say any-
thing.” They assumed that teachers had a

better understanding of children’s academic
needs, and that they as non-professionals
were not equipped to influence decisions
about children’s schooling.

This reluctance to intervene prompted
working-class parents to be less involved at
school and relegated them largely to outsider
status at Maplewood. Working-class parents
occasionally attended conferences or con-
certs, but they spent relatively little time vol-
unteering. Even the few working-class parents
who did not work full-time were not a regular
presence at school. As a result, working-class
parents tended not to be very familiar with
school expectations, procedures, and person-
nel. This lack of familiarity was compounded
by the fact that working-class parents gener-
ally had few social connections with teachers
or other Maplewood parents.

That outsider status shaped working-class
parents’ beliefs about teachers’ behavioral
expectations. Without inside information,
working-class parents tended to rely on their
own experiences in school as a guide. During
an interview, Mr. Graham remembered a
formative incident from 5th grade:

The teacher gave us a test and none of us
understood. We were like, “What are you
talking about?” I mean, it was like she
thought she explained it clear as day. And
we read it, but it just didn’t jive.2

When I asked Mr. Graham what happened
next, he continued, shaking his head:

Well, she was upset because we asked her
about it. She yelled at us, cuz she just didn’t
understand why we didn’t get it! That was a
rough little time in school. I mean, a number
of us were upset about it, crying upset about
it. I think I probably took the brunt of it, cuz
I was the one that challenged her.

While the teachers at Maplewood did repri-
mand students for offenses like being off-
task, name-calling, and running in the
hallways, I never saw a teacher punish a stu-
dent for seeking help. Middle-class parents,

1024 American Sociological Review 79(5)

by virtue of their insider involvement, recog-
nized that school expectations around question-
asking had changed over time. Working-class
parents, drawing only on their own school
experiences, assumed that teachers would
perceive requests as disrespectful, and thus
they adopted a logic of constraint in manag-
ing problems at school.

PAREnTs TEACh ClAss-
BAsEd BEhAvIoRs
Parents’ class-based logics shaped not only
their comfort interacting with teachers, but
also their beliefs about how to manage chal-
lenges appropriately at school. Such beliefs
prompted parents to coach their children to
activate similar strategies when interacting
with teachers. Although parent-

Sociology homework help

17

Food Waste Behavior
in an Urban Population
Gail G. Harrison, William L. Rathje,
and Wilson W. Hughes

In the previous profile, we gained some idea of the range of
applications of garbology. This selection is an example of
such study. Excess food waste is a serious problem, partic-
ularly in the global context of widespread hunger, the pop-
ulation explosion, and dwindling environmental resources.

Understanding patterns offood use and waste, how-
ever, is not a simple task; researchers cannot get reliable
data by just asking members of households. On the one
hand, people simply do not know. They may answer a ques-
tion about food consumption, but as we see in this article,
they can befarfrom accurate. On the other hand, respon-
dents to a questionnaire might give the answers they think
the researcher wants to hear or the answers they think are
expected or appropriate. For example, they may under-
report their consumption of beer (orfatteningfoods) be-
cause of our image of what is acceptable and appropriate.

Although archaeology developed as a means of study-
ing the past—and it still is that—it is becoming an impor-
tant tool for understanding the problems of the present,
and as we will see in the next reading, developing new
tools for the future.

As you read this selection, ask yourself the following
questions:

El How might being told you are part of a study offood
waste affect your behavior?

El Do you think respondents to a survey questionnaire
can accurately estimate the amount offood wasted in
their household?

LI What is meant by the term nonreactive measure?

El What proportion (percent) of household foods were
wasted in Tucson in 1973 and 1974?

El Would you expect less waste of beef during a beef
shortage than during times of plenty? Why?

The following terms discussed in this selection are in-
cluded in the Glossary at the back of the book:
demography
epidemiological methods
garbology
nonreactive measure of behavior
sample
waste behavior

Reprinted with permission, Journal of Nutrition Education, vol. 7
(1):13-16,1975, Society for Nutrition Education.

09

Qrowing awareness of the finite limits of natural re-
sources under the pressure of an exploding population
has made it necessary to look at human utilization of
food resources in a new light. The concept of effi-
ciency—ecological and economic—has assumed a
new priority in nutrition policy and planning. At the
household level, economic inflation has made efficient
use of food resources more obviously important to
more consumers than it has been in the past.

Recent analyses of the U.S. food production sys-
tem’,’ have made it clear that food production in this
country is extremely energy-intensive, and that the
U.S. food system is reaching the point at which further
investments of energy-intensive technology may pro-
duce only marginal increments in output. Notably ab-
sent from such analyses, however, is an evaluation of
the extent, nature, and effects of food waste. No doubt
some waste of food is inevitable in any system of pro-
duction, distribution, and consumption, but little is
known about how much waste of food takes place,
why, or how much might be avoided.

Food waste in the field and in storage and trans-
portation has been recognized as a significant factor in
affecting the availability of food supplies.’ It has been
estimated that up to 40% of the total grain crop in some
areas of the developing world may be lost through
spoilage or other damage in the field, in storage, and in
handling and processing. Opinion varies as to the po-
tential for reducing such losses.4

Food waste at the household or consumer level has
been studied even less. The fact that household food
waste in industrialized countries is substantial has
been often remarked upon but seldom documented.
The U.S. Department of Agriculture, which conducts
household food consumption surveys in the United
States, has long recognized the need for reliable data on
food waste. In the late 1950s, USDA undertook some
studies of household food waste using records of
weighed food waste kept by volunteer respondents.-‘
These studies utilized small, nonrepresentative sam-
ples, and the authors noted that the behavior of the re-
spondents was changed by participation in the study.
Even so, caloric loss from waste of household food
supplies in these studies ranged from 7 to 10% of total
calories.’

A problem in studying food waste is that the con-
cept of waste is fraught with moral implications in our
culture. Few Americans like to admit that they unnec-
essarily waste food, and mere participation in a study
of waste behavior is sure to bias results. What is
needed, then, is a nonreactive measure—a means of
estimating food waste which does not affect the be-
havior of the subjects! We propose that the methods of
archaeology may be useful in this context.

HOUSEHOLD REFUSE AS A NONREACTIVE
MEASURE OF BEHAVIOR

The Garbage Project of the University of Arizona has
been studying household refuse in Tucson, Ariz., for
two years. The project is archaeological in background,
theory, and method. Archaeologists have traditionally
studied refuse and the remains of material culture in
order to make inferences about ancient civilizations—
their ways of life, social structures, and utilization of
the environment. The Garbage Project is based on the
assumption that the methods and theory of archaeol-
ogy may offer useful perspectives for dealing with con-
temporary problems of resource utilization.’

The project is accumulating data on a wide variety
of resource management behaviors including recycling
behavior and purchase of food, drugs, household and
personal sanitation items, and other consumables. As a
method for studying food utilization patterns and
waste behavior, the study of household refuse offers
two significant advantages.

First, it is a nonreactive measure of behavior. What
goes into the trash can is evidence of behavior which
has already occurred. It is the evidence of what people
did, not what they think they did, what they think they
should have done, or what they think the interviewer
thinks they should have done. In this way, the study of
household refuse differs from accepted methods of col-
lecting data on household-level food consumption pat-
terns,9″0 all of which suffer from problems of reactiv-
ity—distortion of the behavior itself or the recall of the
behavior.

The study of household refuse has its own, but dif-
ferent, limitations as a measure of food utilization pat-
terns. In no way can the evidence of food input to the
household, as reflected by packaging or other items in
the garbage, be used as a measure of nutritional ade-
quacy or of quantitative consumption of food by the in-
dividual household. Garbage disposals, meals eaten
away from home, feeding of leftover food to household
pets, fireplaces, compost piles, and recycling of con-
tainers all introduce biases into the data acquired from
the trash can. However, these biases all operate in one
direction—they decrease the amount of refuse. Thus
garbage data can confidently be interpreted as repre-
senting minimum levels of household food utilization
and waste. On this basis, population segments can be
compared and changes over time observed.

A second major advantage to the study of house-
hold refuse is that it is inexpensive, relatively easy to
do, and requires no time or active cooperation on the
part of the subjects. The logistics of a study of house-
hold refuse should not be minimized (The Garbage
Project requires the efforts of a full-time field supervi-

110

FOOD WASTE BEHAVIOR IN AN URBAN POPULATION 111

sor, even at present sample size), but compared to
other methods of monitoring food consumption and
nutritional behavior, to which the study of refuse may
offer a supplement, the study of household refuse is
relatively simple. Data collection can be accomplished
by workers with relatively little previous training; and
there is little need for special equipment or facilities.
This is a major departure from traditional epidemio-
logical methods which usually demand a high level of
subject input)’ As a result, household refuse may be
studied in a community on an ongoing basis or at fre-
quent intervals in order to detect short-range changes
in food utilization behavior.

METHODOLOGY

The Sample

The city of Tucson is an urban community of slightly
under 450,000 inhabitants located in southern Arizona.
It is characterized by rapid growth in population. The
two major ethnic groups are Anglos (whites) and
Mexican-Americans, with the latter comprising 27.1
percent of the population in 1973; the proportion of el-
derly individuals is relatively high, with 12% of the
population aged 65 or over. 12

The sampling unit for The Garbage Project was the
census tract. Tucson’s 66 urban census tracts were
grouped into seven clusters derived from 1970 federal
census demographic and housing characteristics. Fac-
tor analysis was used to derive groups of significantly
associated census variables, and cluster analysis was
then used to order census tracts into clusters based on
their association with these derived factors of census
variables.” Data from 13 census tracts in 1973 and 19 in
1974, drawn to be representative of the seven census
tract clusters identified by statistical analysis of the
data, form the basis for this report.

Data Collection

Refuse was collected for the project by Tucson Sanita-
tion Department personnel from two randomly se-
lected households within each sample census tract, bi-
weekly in 1973 and weekly in 1974. Refuse was
collected for a four-month period (February through
May) in 1973 again for the same period in 1974. Ad-
dresses were not recorded, in order to protect the pri-
vacy and anonymity of sampled households. Specific
households were not followed over time; that is, a new
random selection of households was done each time
refuse was collected. Data from all collections in a

given census tract were pooled; thus data analysis is
based on the census tract as the unit sampled. Total
refuse studied includes the equivalent of that from 222
households in 1973 and 350 in 1974. Households were
not informed that their garbage was being studied,
although there was local newspaper, radio, and tele-
vision publicity on the project at frequent intervals
with emphasis on procedures taken to protect the
anonymity of sampled households. Thus far commu-
nity reaction to the project has been overwhelmingly
supportive.

Fifty student volunteers sorted, coded, and re-
corded the items in the refuse working at tables pro-
vided in the Sanitation Department maintenance yard.
After sorting and recording, all items in the refuse
were returned to the Sanitation Department for de-
posit in the sanitary landfill. While the students were
not paid for their participation in the project, they had
the option of receiving academic credit for archaeolog-
ical field experience, since they gained experience with
the methods and theory of field archaeology while
working on the project. Student workers were pro-
vided with lab coats, surgical masks, and gloves, and
were given appropriate immunizations. In almost
three years of the project’s operation, there have been
no illnesses attributable to garbage work.

Items found in the refuse were sorted into 133 cat-
egories of food, drugs, personal and household sanita-
tion products, amusement and entertainment items,
communications, and pet-related materials. For each
item, the following information was recorded onto
precoded forms: Item code; type (e.g., “ground chuck”
as a type of “beef”); weight, as derived from labeling;
cost; material composition of the container; brand; and
weight of any waste. Fifty-two of the category codes
referred to food items.

Waste was defined as any once-edible food item
except for chunks of meat fat. Bone was not included,
nor were eggshells, banana or citrus peel, or other
plant parts not usually deemed edible. Food waste was
further classified into two categories: straight waste of a
significant quantity of an item (for example, a whole
uncooked steak, half a loaf of bread, several tortillas),
and plate scrapings, which represent edible food but
which occur in quantities of less than one ounce or are
the unidentifiable remains of cooked dishes. Potato
peels were classified separately, and are not included
in “straight waste” for purposes of this paper. It is our
guess (yet to be investigated) that “straight waste”
may be more susceptible to directed change than is the
type of waste we have classified as “plate scrapings.”

For purposes of this report, the total weight of a
given food item coming into sampled households, as de-
rived from labeling on associated packaging materials

112 ARCHAEOLOGY

which are discarded into the trash can, is termed
“input” of that food item. It must be kept in mind that
these “input” figures are minimal, and their deviation
from actual household food utilization of a type of
food item is variable depending on the characteristics
of the given households sampled.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

The following data summarize the evidence of food
utilization and waste patterns for the entire sample for
the time period specified. (Analysis of the data accord-
ing to the socioeconomic characteristics of the individ-
ual census tracts is presented elsewhere. 14)

1. The refuse analyzed showed that sampled
households waste a significant proportion of
their food resources. In 1973, 9.7% of the total
food input, by weight, was wasted; in 1974,
8.9% was wasted. (The downward trend was
not statistically significant.) Actual waste, of
course, was higher since 21.3% of the house-
holds in sampled census tracts have garbage
disposals in good working order” and probably
grind up a great deal of their food waste. We are
currently undertaking a study which will allow
us to estimate the effect of differential use of
garbage disposals on the food waste found in
garbage cans. These data on waste do not in-
clude milk or other beverages, since beverage
waste usually goes down the drain; thus,
weight of beverages including milk was elimi-
nated from the input figures for calculation of
the above percentages.

2. In 1973, straight waste accounted for 55.3%
of the food waste and in 1974 it totaled 60.6%.
(The change is statistically significant at
p <.001 using the difference-of-proportions
test described by Blalock.15) Thus although
the percentage of total food wasted remained
stable from 1973 to 1974, the percentage of
straight waste versus “plate scrapings” in-
creased significantly.

3. There were some changes between 1973 and
1974 in evidence of utilization and waste of spe-
cific food groups (see Tables 1 and 2). The total
input of meat, poultry, and fish was signifi-
cantly smaller in 1974 than in 1973 (normalized
to the same sample size). The percentage of
these animal protein foods which was wasted
(total waste/ total evidence of input, by weight)
showed a sharp and statistically significant
drop from 12% in 1973 to less than 4% in 1974,
mainly due to a decline in the rate of waste of

beef from 9% in 1973 to 3% in 1974. We find this
interesting for two reasons. One is that the high
9% waste of beef occurred during the beef
shortage in the spring of 1973. It is possible that
during the shortage consumers were overbuy-
ing or purchasing unfamiliar cuts or quantities
which could not be used efficiently. The change
in beef waste is also interesting since there was
front-page local newspaper coverage of The
Garbage Project, reporting the high level of beef
waste (and only beef was mentioned) just at the
start of the 1974 data collection period. We
don’t know whether the publicity had any ef-
fect on waste behavior but believe that con-
trolled investigations should be carried out to
determine whether heightened awareness of
waste behavior could have any effect on actual
behavior.

Vegetable input decreased between 1973
and 1974 (again, normalized to the same sam-
ple size), but vegetable and fruit waste in-
creased. Waste of fresh vegetables accounted
for most of the increase. In both years, vegetable
and fruit waste made up a larger percentage of
straight waste than of the evidence of house-
hold input of food. Input of grain products in-
creased from 1973 to 1974, but proportional
waste of grain products decreased. In both
years, grain products made up a larger percent-
age of straight waste than of evidence of house-
hold input, the waste being for the most part
due to waste of bread.

Sweets and packaged foods in both years
made up a smaller percentage of straight waste

Table 1 ITEM PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL HOUSEHOLD
INPUT EVIDENCE AND WASTE

Item

1973 1974
%of
total
input

evidence

%of
waste-

excluding
leftovers

%of
total
input

evidence

%of
waste-

excluding
leftovers

Selected
protein
foods* 19.56 21.74 18.50 11.84

Vegetables 24.40 34.77 19.85 38.62
Fruits 13.64 14.25 15.26 17.26
Grain

products 11.23 14.68 14.8 15.8
Packaged

goods 4.53 4.28 7.41 5.89
Sugar and

sweets 10.10 5.74 9.72 6.55
Other 16.54 4.64 14.46 14.04

* Meat, fish, poultry, eggs, cheese, and nuts.

Table 2 PERCENT OF FOOD ITEMS WASTED’

Percent of
item wasted

Item 1973 1974

Selected protein foods (meat, fish, poultry,
cheese, and nuts) 12.09

344**

Vegetables
Fruits

7.65
5.61

10.47**
6.09**

Grain products (excluding pies, cakes, and
other sweet pastries) 7.02 5.73

Packaged foods (TV dinners, take-out meals,
packaged soups, stews, and sauces) 4.96 4.28

Baby foods 3.01 2.42

Fats and oils 1.39 1.08
Dairy (excluding liquid milk) .92 .73

Spices .77 4.49
Dips, whips 4.07 1.54
Sugar and sweets (including sweet pastries) 3.04 3.63

* Waste (weight) as percent of total input (weight).
** Significantly different from 1973 value at p <.05.

FOOD WASTE BEHAVIOR IN AN URBAN POPULATION 113

than of household input. Perhaps the most re-
markable change in input occurred in packaged
and convenience foods: TV dinners, take-out
meals, canned stews, soups, and sauces. Evi-
dence of household input of these items in-
creased by over 30% between 1973 and 1974.
The only explanation we can offer is to point
out that the percentage of households in Ari-
zona in which two persons held jobs increased
sharply in the same period from 14% in No-
vember 1973 to 21% in March 1974. With more
households with two adults in the labor force,
the consumption of convenience foods might
be expected to rise.

4. The cost of the food waste we observed is high.
Extrapolating average household waste (total
food waste, divided by the number of house-
hold equivalents in the sample) over a full year
and figuring at June 1974 prices, Tucson’s an-
nual food waste bill may run between 9 and
11 million dollars. For an average household
over a year, the cost of waste was between $80
and $100 of edible food (see Table 3). The
biggest contributors to the cost of waste were
beef and other meats (in spite of the decline in
waste, beef waste is expensive), cheese, fresh
vegetables and fruits, take-out meals, bread,
and pastry.

Extrapolating from our data to the esti-
mated 110,000 households in Tucson, we esti-
mate that Tucson was likely to throw out 9,538
tons of edible food in 1974. It may be easier to
grasp the significance of this waste if we focus

on one item. The average sample household
threw away 1.5 ounces of meat, fish or poultry
(straight waste) in each garbage collection. That
comes to 5.1 tons each time the garbage is col-
lected in Tucson, which is twice a week. Using
1965 USDA data, we can estimate that a two-
person urban household may consume about
9.4 pounds of meat, poultry, and fish each
week. 16 Tucson’s waste in one week would pro-
vide a week’s worth of meat, poultry or fish for
over 2000 such households or a year’s worth for
42 two-person households.

5. The quantitative estimates of food input to
households derived from packaging materials
in the garbage are similar to the quantitative es-
timates of food consumption for similar house-
holds achieved by the USDA household food
consumption surveys. 16 If we extrapolate for a
year from the evidence of food input by weight
in the average Garbage Project sample house-
hold, we estimate that the food input in our
sample averaged 1.069 tons of food per house-
hold in 1973 and .9763 ton in 1974. The median
household size in the census tracts in our sam-
ple is two persons. 12 If we add together the
quantitative estimates for all food categories for
the two-person urban household in the Spring,

Table 3 AN EXTRAPOLATION OF THE COST OF
WASTE/HOUSEHOLD/YEAR’

1973 1974

Beef $20.80 $ 5.20
Other meat 4.58 5.10
Poultry 1.98 1.45
Cheese 3.11 3.86
Fresh vegetables 11.32 12.06
Canned vegetables 1.80 1.25
Frozen vegetables 1.29 .95
Fresh fruit 6.18 7.34
TV dinners .82 1.01
Take-out meals 4.68 7.90
Soups. stews, etc. .39 .31
Bread 5.12 4.21
Noodles .24 1.58
Chips, crackers 1.54 1.28
Candy 1.36 .81
Pastry 5.93 6.83
Baby food .50 .27
Potato peels 2.18 .92

Total $73.82 $62.33
Total with plate scrapings: 99.14 82.91

Plate scrapings at 340/lb. 25.31 20.58

Calculated by multiplying average quantities wasted per garbage
pickup times the number of pickups a year (104) times current (7 June
1974) averaged Tucson prices.

114

ARCHAEOLOGY

Table 4 PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL HOUSEHOLD
FOOD INPUT

Food groups as
percent of

household food
consumption

by weight, USDA,
urban households

Spring 1965

Food groups
as percent of
total evidence
for food input,
by weight,
Garbage
Project

1973 1974

Selected protein
foods

26.1

19.6 18.5

Vegetables

25.3

24.4 19.8

Fruits

18.3

13.6 15.3

Grain

11.6

11.2 14.8

Sugar and
sweets

6.0 10.1 9.7

* Meat, fish, poultry, eggs, cheese, and nuts.

1965 USDA household food consumption sur-
vey,” we get a total of .9752 ton of food-ex-
tremely close to the estimates obtained in our
sample by observation of household refuse.

Although the categories of food are not
strictly comparable mall details, it is interesting
to compare Garbage Project data for the two
years with the percentage of total household
food consumption obtained in the 1965 USDA
survey for urban households” (see Table 4). To
the extent that the comparison can be made, it
appears that people in Tucson in 1973 and 1974
were consuming somewhat less of some animal
protein foods, less fruit, and more gram prod-
ucts, sweets, and fats and oils than the USDA
sample was in 1965. The overall similarity of
the food input pattern shown in Table 4 with
the independent USDA household food con-
sumption data is an encouraging indication of
the validity of refuse data as an index .of food
utilization patterns on the community level.

CONCLUSIONS

These preliminary data show that the study of house-
hold refuse offers a simple, inexpensive, and nonreac-
five means of monitoring food utilization and waste
behavior on the community level. The data accumu-

lated to date clearly indicate that food waste is a sig-
nificant factor in food resource utilization and should
be seriously considered by nutrition planners and
educators.

REFERENCES

1. Piinentel, D., Hurd, L. E., Billotti, A. C., Forster, M. J.,
Oka, I. N., Sholes, 0. D., and Whitman, R. J. 1973. Food
production and the energy crisis, Science, 182:433.

2. Steinhart, J. S., and Steinhart, C. E. 1974. Energy use in
the U.S. food system, Science, 184:307.

3. Woodham, A. A. 1971. The world protein shortage: pre-
vention and cure, World Rev. Nutr. & Dietet., 13:1.

4. Berg, A. 1973. The Nutrition Factor: Its Role in National De-
velopment. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution.

5. Adelson, S. F., Asp, E., and Noble, I. 1961. Household
records of foods used and discarded, J. Am. Dietet. Assn.,
39:578.

6. Adelson, S. F., Delaney,!., Miller, C., and Noble, I.T. 1963.
Discard of edible food in households, J. Home Econ.,
55:633.

7. Webb, E. J., Campbell, D. T., Schwartz, R. D., and
Sechrist, L. 1966. Unobtrusive Measures: Nonreactive Re-
search in the Social Sciences. Chicago: Rand McNally.

8. Rathje, W. L. 1974. The Garbage Project: A new way of
looking at the problems of archaeology, Archaeology,
27:236.

9. Young, C. M., and Trulson, M. F. 1960. Methodology for
dietary studies in epidemiological surveys II. Strength
and weaknesses of existing methods, Am. I. PubI. Health,
50:83.

10. Pekkarinen, M. 1970. Methodology in the collection of
food consumption data, World Rev. Nutr. & Dietet.,
12:145.

11. Marr, J. W. 1971. Individual dietary surveys: purposes
and methods, World Rev. Nutr. & Dietet., 13:105.

12. Bal, D. G., O’Hora, J. H., and Porter, B. W. 1974. Pima
County ECHO Report, Tucson, Arizona, Pima County
Health Department.

13. Tyron, R. C., and Bailey, D. 1970. Cluster Analysis. New
York: McGraw-Hill.

14. Harrison, G. G., Rathje, W. L., and Hughes, W. W.
1974. Socioeconomic correlates of food consumption
and waste behavior: the Garbage Project. Paper pre-
sented at the annual meeting of the American Public
Health Association, New Orleans, La., Oct. 21, 1974
(unpublished).

15. Blalock, H. M. 1960. Social Statistics. New York:
McGraw-Hill.

16. Dietary Levels of Households in the United States, Spring,
1965: Household Food Consumption Survey, 1965-1966, Re-
port No. 6, USDA/ARS, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Depart-
ment of Agriculture.

Sociology homework help

Cultural Construct Amongst African Americans

James Goggans

Trident University

Instructor: Dr. Maria Luque

MHS502 Cultural Diversity in Health Sciences

8 May 2022

Nutritional Construct

Meaning of food

Food is not just a nutrition element buts a cultural identity and a catalyst for African Americans to connect to their values. Food brings people together and helps them fellowship beyond bloodline relatives. Food always connects the community to the solidarity of enslaved ancestors.

Common foods

The typical food amongst African American families includes mashed potatoes and gravy, red beans and rice, homemade macaroni and cheese, seasoned vegetables, fried chicken, and ice-cold tea. These foods may not be considered healthy, but they are exciting and warm the hearts of many African Americans.

Rituals

African Americans prepare traditional cuisines that embody cultural legacies, making most of their meals flavorful and rich. Most eat three times a day, but lunch and dinner are the most basic meals. In most families, people pray before they eat. They are also required to serve or arrange plates and food in a specific order. Most foods are associated with drinks, The type of food prepared in an event depends on the nature of the event and the guests.

Deficiencies

Vitamin D deficiency is more prevalent among African Americans compared to other ethnic groups. Most young and healthy African Americans fail to attain optimal 25-hydroxyvitamin D concentration throughout the year (Ames et al., 2021).

Limitations

Most members of this ethnic group fall short of recommended dietary allowances for Vitamin B-6, Vitamin E, Zinc, and Magnesium. The community also obtains 355 calories from fat and gets 12% from saturated fat. Most of their foods also expose them to lifestyle diseases such as obesity.

Health Promotion

Health promotion activities appear to be modestly working in the African American population. Research shows that African Americans suffer health disparities that increase their vulnerability to disease and death. Culturally appropriate interventions are necessary for closing these gaps and enhancing the outcomes. Health promotional materials and approaches must be culturally appropriate for effective outcomes.

High-Risk Behaviors

Tobacco-Tobacco use is a significant contributor to death among African Americans. African American youth and young adults are significant smokers, although the prevalence is lower than whites and Hispanics. Compared to white Americans, African Americans start smoking at a later age compared to whites. However, African American children are more vulnerable to secondhand smoke than all other ethnic groups and generally have higher cotinine levels than non-smokers of other races.

Alcohol-African Americans engage in risky alcohol consumption behaviors compared to other ethnic communities. Research shows that excessive alcohol consumption among younger adults enhances their vulnerabilities to irresponsible sexual behavior (Mertzger et al., 2018), increasing their chances of contracting HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases and infections.

Recreational Drugs

African Americans are overrepresented in substance abuse and recreational drugs in the US. For example, 6.9% of African Americans have substance abuse disorder compared to 7.4% of the total population. In terms of illicit drug disorder, 3.4% of African Americans have the disorder compared to 3% of the total population. It is also reported that African Americans do not always receive rehabilitation treatment when they need it.

Physical Activity

African Americans are less active in physical activities compared to whites. Although physical activity participation has improved slightly, participation is still low and decreases with age. The range of black youth engaging in physical activities ranges from 33% to 52%, while that of black adults ranges between 27% to 52%. Due to their less engagement in physical activity, African Americans are highly vulnerable to lifestyle diseases such as diabetes and obesity.

Safety

African American adults are less likely to report that they feel safe. In healthcare, they distrust healthcare quality and consider alternative healthcare options in illness. About half of the population also report feeling safe when walking alone at night. Due to many dears that may result from discrimination, African Americans take all precautionary measures to maintain their safety.

Death Rituals

Death is a significant rite of passage among African Americans that prepares the deceased’s spirit for the next realm of life. The community prepares well the body of the deceased in preparation for burial. African Americans dress their loved ones respectfully, as an important part of the death rituals. They also wash the body, dress it, and groom the hair (Roberson et al., 2018). The funeral service is taken seriously and can be postponed to ensure all close members attend. It is common to decorate the coffin and the grave.

Bereavement

Flower girls pay special attention to grieving family members. Nurses may be around to help mourners who may be overwhelmed. Africa Americans extend their helping hand to close family members during bereavement. Family members, however, get comfort from the belief that their loved ones are in a safe place and are watching over them.

Spirituality Construct

Religious practices-Christianity is the predominant religion among African Americans. Christianity is a vibrant spiritual and institutional force that African Americans hold dearly. Some religious practices include attending religious services, taking your official roles, reading religious books like the Bible, watching religious programs on TV and listening to the radio, and praying at individual and group levels.

Use of prayer-Prayer is an essential aspect of spiritual and religious fulfillment. Prayer is a ritualistic behavior among African Americans, and they do it often at an individual, family, or even congregation levels. Prayer is used to thank God, change the outcomes of difficult situations, and seek forgiveness. African Americans report that they experience positive emotions when they pray.

Meaning of life-African Americans believes that God is the source of life and that human beings were created with a purpose. Therefore, they adhere to a system of religious beliefs as they find meaning in their lives. African Americans also link religiosity to well-being and believe they cannot live well without integrating religion and spirituality in their lives. They also perceive religion as a source of help in adversity in their lives.

Individual strength

African Americans believe in individual strength, which comes from God. They read the Bible and get inspiration from religious stories to get strength. When they face difficulties, they turn to the church for strength.

Spirituality and Health

African Americans consider the church and spirituality a significant source of hope during illness. When feeling unwell, a lack American uses spirituality to feel the inner strength, resulting in faster recovery. Spirituality is directly linked to patient outcomes such as anxiety, depression, and the quality of life. Patients battling chronic illnesses resort to the church and faith, where they find solace and hope (Holt et al., 2018). Integrating spirituality with medication and therapy is also believed to improve healthcare outcomes.

References

Ames, B. N., Grant, W. B., & Willett, W. C. (2021). Does the high prevalence of vitamin D deficiency in African Americans contribute to health disparities?. Nutrients, 13(2), 499.

Holt, C. L., Roth, D. L., Huang, J., & Clark, E. M. (2018). Role of religious, social support in longitudinal relationships between religiosity and health-related outcomes in African Americans. Journal of behavioral medicine, 41(1), 62-73.

Metzger, I. W., Salami, T., Carter, S., Halliday-Boykins, C., Anderson, R. E., Jernigan, M. M., & Ritchwood, T. (2018). African American emerging adults’ experiences with racial discrimination and drinking habits: The moderating roles of perceived stress. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 24(4), 489.

Roberson, K., Smith, T., & Davidson, W. (2018). Understanding Death Rituals. International Journal of Childbirth Education, 33(3).

Sociology homework help

Week 5 dq2 response 6 449

Stephanie Flores

Hello Professor Smith and Classmates,

The two cases I will be using for the purpose of this discussion post are the Marta Ramirez case study and the getting back to Shakopee case video.

For Marta Ramirez, she was referred to social services because her children had missed seven days of school which in her state constitutes as educational neglect. I chose the Beck Depression Inventory because the social worker had identified the possibility of Marta possibly having depression, and additionally I would choose a test similar to OARS for (but more age appropriate for Marta) assessing her strengths and social networking. “Other tools can be applied to a range of client populations to measure variables such as social functioning, caregiver burden, well-being, mental health, and social networks,” (Hepworth, D. H., Rooney, R. H., Rooney, G. D., & Strom-Gottfried, K., 2017)

For Valerie, her issues are specific to intrapersonal communication issues in the workplace, low self-esteem, and depression. I would choose the Michigan Alcoholism Screening Test (MAST) in conjunction with the CAGE mnemonic device in order to gauge her level of alcohol dependency because it is already established in the video that she struggles with alcoholism. I would also possibly use the Beck Depression Inventory to determine if depression could be another factor in Valerie’s situation because during the course of her interview with the social worker she had little to no affect, emotion, or appropriate change in tone when speaking to the social worker and had indicated that she may be struggling with depression.

Possible engagement skills and questioning techniques I would use with Valerie are asking her questions about her own perception of what her strengths are. I believe this would give me an idea in regards to her self-esteem where she is, and may also help her identify her own set of strengths that we would be able to utilize in her treatment. Additionally, I would want to ask questions about the particular situation that led Valerie to seek social services. In the video she explains her boss said she has poor intrapersonal communication skills among her coworkers. In order to get a better understanding of the situation, I would want to ask Valerie questions surrounding the behaviors of herself and others in the situation. “Antecedents often give valuable clues about the behavior of one participant that may provoke or offend another participant, thereby triggering a negative reaction, followed by a counter negative reaction, thus setting the reciprocal interaction in motion. In addition to finding out about the circumstances preceding troubling episodes, it is important to learn about the consequences or outcomes associated with problematic behaviors. These results may shed light on factors that perpetuate or reinforce the client’s difficulties.” (Hepworth, et al, 2017) In the video, the social worker uses this technique and discovers that Valerie was under stress from a tight deadline when her coworker threw additional work on her desk and demanded that she put that work as priority over what she was struggling to complete. Additionally, prior to this event, Valerie had expressed to the social worker that her coworkers had been isolating her and making her feel excluded from them for lunch outings and work get togethers. Using this technique allows you to let Valerie process the events and gives you more information on Valerie’s motivations and reasons for her behavior that extend beyond just her having poor communication skills with her coworkers.

Class, what are your thoughts?

Respectfully,

Stephanie

———————–

References:

Hepworth, D. H., Rooney, R. H., Rooney, G. D., & Strom-Gottfried, K. (2017). Assessment: Exploring and Understanding Problems and Strengths. Direct Social Work Practice: Theory and Skills (10th ed.). Cengage Learning.

Sociology homework help

CBA Template

COST-BENEFIT ANALYSIS TEMPLATE
Step 1: Enter cost amounts as future value (FV) expectations. The future value will be automatically converted to present value (PV). Step 2: Enter benefit amounts as FV expectations. The FV will automatically be converted to PV. Step 3: Subtract the total PV benefits from the total PV costs to get the net benefit.
Costs Current Year (CY) CY +1 CY +2 CY +3 CY +4 CY +5 Total Costs
Total Costs (Future Value) $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0
Total Costs (Present Value) $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0
blank row
Benefits Current Year (CY) CY +1 CY +2 CY +3 CY +4 CY +5 Total Benefits
Total Benefits (Future Value) $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0
Total Benefits (Present Value) $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0 $ – 0
blank row
Present Value Discount Rate 2%
PV Denominator 1.00 1.02 1.04 1.06 1.08 1.10
Net Benefit $ – 0
End of worksheet

Sociology homework help

Manipulation Assignment

Undergraduate

This semester you are analyze. You are to research him with the Amberton Library using EBSCO and on-line resources. Then answer the following question. Write out the following concepts/questions and then address them one at a time.

 

1) Who is Kim Jung Un?

2) How did he come to power?

3) Describe his character.

4) Analyze his communication with world leaders and his citizens.

5) What communication strategies does he use to maintain power?

6) Is he evil? Why or why not?

7) Will he use nuclear weapons against the world?

Document this paper with the APA format. Eliminate plagiarism from the paper. See the Writing and Plagiarism Guidelines and the plagiarism guidelines for the course.  Write out the questions and then answer them completely. This assignment also requires outside research.  This paper should be at least 10 pages. Write the questions out completely and then answer them one at a time.

A Turn-it-in score of higher than 20% will results in a 0 for the paper.

 

Information Literacy Rubric

 

Excellent (3)

Acceptable (2)

Unacceptable (1)

Determine the Extent of Information Needed

Selects 10-12 credible sources on the topic.  The sources selected would be deemed to be accurate and reliable.

Selects 8-9 appropriate sources on the topic.

 

 

Selects 7 or fewer

 

 

Access the Needed Information

The material selected covers both the depth and breadth of the topic.

 

 

Some of the relevant material is either missing or lacking in depth development

 

 

The material selected only provides a shallow

 

 

Evaluate Information and its Sources Critically

Is able to evaluate the information to determine the character and the communication strategies of the manipulator.

 

 

Uses to the material to analyze the manipulator

 

 

Has difficulty identifying and evaluating the information to answer the questions.

 

Use Information Effectively to Accomplish a Specific Purpose

Clearly presents that analysis so that it is easily understood.  The discussion is logical and complete.

 

Presents the material clearly.  Some of the areas may lack development.

 

 

The material is difficult to follow.

 

Access and Use Information Ethically and Legally

APA format is used accurately and consistently. Paper reflects good grammar, spelling, and writing technique. The Turn-it-in plagiarism score is less than 15%.

APA format is used accurately most of the time.  Paper reflects good grammar, spelling and writing technique.

APA format is not used to an acceptable level.  Paper may include grammar, spelling or writing technique problems. 

 

 

Sociology homework help

American Sociological Review
2014, Vol. 79(5) 1015 –1037
© American Sociological
Association 2014
DOI: 10.1177/0003122414546931
http://asr.sagepub.com

Children are not passive players in the repro-
duction of social inequalities. We know that
children’s behaviors vary with social class
and generate stratified profits in school
(Calarco 2011; Farkas 1996; Streib 2011).
Less clear is how children learn to activate
class-based strategies and how those lessons
contribute to stratification. Scholars typically
treat cultural acquisition as an implicit pro-
cess in which class-based childrearing prac-
tices automatically shape children’s behavior
(Arnett 1995; Heath 1983; Lareau 2011).
Given parents’ active management of chil-
dren’s lives (Edwards 2004; Lareau 2000;
Nelson 2010) and children’s active resistance
to parents’ desires (Chin and Phillips 2004;
Pugh 2009), however, cultural transmission
may involve more agency than implicit
socialization models imply. Furthermore,
while scholars assume that parents’ cultural

coaching reproduces inequalities (e.g., Lar-
eau 2011), research has not linked these
efforts to their payoff for children in school.

To investigate these possibilities, this
study examines how parents actively transmit
culture to children, how children respond, and
how those responses generate stratified prof-
its. I base these analyses on a longitudinal
ethnographic study of middle- and working-
class families in one elementary school. I
conducted observations and in-depth
interviews with the children, their parents,

546931ASRXXX10.1177/0003122414546931American Sociological ReviewCalarco
2014

aIndiana University

Corresponding Author:
Jessica McCrory Calarco, Indiana University,
Department of Sociology, 1020 East Kirkwood
Avenue, Ballantine Hall, 744 Bloomington, IN
47405-7103
E-mail: jcalarco@indiana.edu

Coached for the Classroom:
Parents’ Cultural Transmission
and Children’s Reproduction
of Educational Inequalities

Jessica McCrory Calarcoa

Abstract
Scholars typically view class socialization as an implicit process. This study instead shows
how parents actively transmit class-based cultures to children and how these lessons reproduce
inequalities. Through observations and interviews with children, parents, and teachers, I
found that middle- and working-class parents expressed contrasting beliefs about appropriate
classroom behavior, beliefs that shaped parents’ cultural coaching efforts. These efforts led
children to activate class-based problem-solving strategies, which generated stratified profits
at school. By showing how these processes vary along social class lines, this study reveals a
key source of children’s class-based behaviors and highlights the efforts by which parents and
children together reproduce inequalities.

Keywords
culture, inequality, education, family, children

1016 American Sociological Review 79(5)

and their teachers. I found that parents con-
tributed to social reproduction by actively
equipping children with class-based strategies
that generated unequal outcomes when acti-
vated at school. Parents’ relationships with
the school varied by social class and shaped
their beliefs about teachers’ behavioral expec-
tations. Those beliefs led parents to adopt
contrasting strategies for managing problems
at school and to coach their children to do the
same. Specifically, working-class parents
stressed “no-excuses” problem-solving,
encouraging children to respect teachers’
authority by not seeking help. Middle-class
parents instead taught “by-any-means” problem-
solving, urging children to negotiate with
teachers for assistance. These ongoing and
often deliberate coaching efforts equipped
even reluctant children with the tools needed
to activate class-based strategies on their own
behalf. Such activation, in turn, prompted
stratified responses from teachers and thus
created unequal advantages in school.

This study has important implications.
First, it clarifies class-based socialization
models by showing that children’s acquisition
of class-based behaviors is neither implicit
nor automatic; rather, cultural transmission
involves active efforts by both parents and
children. Second, it helps explain class-stratified
childrearing patterns, suggesting that parents’
efforts reflect beliefs stemming from their
positions in the social hierarchy. Third, it
demonstrates that by examining how cultural
transmission varies along social class lines,
and by linking these processes to their payoff
in schools, we can better understand the
mechanisms of social reproduction.

ClAss, CulTuRE, And
REPRoduCTIon of
InEquAlITIEs

Scholars conceptualize culture in myriad ways
(Small, Harding, and Lamont 2010), but here I
view culture as a “tool kit” that includes both
“strategies of action” (Swidler 1986) and “log-
ics of action” (DiMaggio 1997). Strategies of
action are skills or behaviors used in social

situations (Bourdieu 1990; Lareau and
Weininger 2003). Logics of action are frames
for interpreting situations (Harding 2007;
Small 2004). This view of culture recognizes
that individuals might behave differently in the
same situation because they possess different
strategies for use in that situation, or because
they interpret the situation differently and thus
choose to activate different strategies.

While cultural tool kits have numerous
dimensions (e.g., gender, age, race, and eth-
nicity), research on tool kits generally focuses
on social class (Bourdieu 1990; Lareau 2000).
To identify social classes, tool-kit scholars
typically use educational and occupational
attainment (Aschaffenburg and Maas 1997;
Condron 2009).1 In doing so, they find that
middle- and working-class individuals per-
ceive themselves differently in relation to
dominant institutions and also possess differ-
ent strategies for navigating those settings
(Lamont 1992, 2009; Lubrano 2004; Stuber
2012). Compared to their working-class coun-
terparts, middle-class individuals experience a
stronger sense of belonging in schools and
other institutional arenas (Carter 2005; Khan
2010; Lareau 2000; Lubrano 2004). They also
see their status as equaling or surpassing that
of institutional professionals and are thus
more comfortable demanding accommoda-
tions from institutions (Brantlinger 2003;
Cucchiara and Horvat 2008; Lareau 2000).

Class-based cultural tool kits are closely
linked to inequalities (Bourdieu 1990; Lareau
and Weininger 2003). Within a social setting,
behaviors will generate profits if they con-
verge with the culture of that setting. Poorly
aligned behaviors, in contrast, will produce
few or no advantages, and may even result in
sanctions.

Research shows, for example, that chil-
dren’s activation of class-based tool kits can
generate unequal advantages. In school, chil-
dren tend to behave in class-patterned ways
that produce stratified consequences (Heath
1983; Nelson and Schutz 2007; Streib 2011).
Middle-class children more readily voice
their needs and, in doing so, attract more
immediate attention and more complete sup-
port from teachers (Calarco 2011). These

Calarco 1017

inequalities reflect teachers’ and administra-
tors’ expectations that students will behave in
“middle-class” ways (Carter 2005; Farkas
1996; Mehan 1980; Wren 1999). While
working-class students must play catch-up,
middle-class students come to school ready to
meet these expectations (Bernstein 1990;
Foley 1990; Lubienski 2000) and to reap the
benefits—including higher grades and higher
competence ratings from teachers (Farkas
1996; Jennings and DiPrete 2010; Tach and
Farkas 2006). What research on culture and
classroom interactions has not examined,
however, is how children learn these different
strategies or why they activate them in the
classroom.

fAMIlIEs And
REPRoduCTIon of
InEquAlITIEs

Socialization scholars imply that children’s
class-based behaviors emerge automatically in
response to class-based childrearing practices
(Arnett 1995). Middle- and working-class
parents typically adopt different childrearing
styles, and their children behave in different
ways (Chin and Phillips 2004; Edwards 2004;
Heath 1983). Lareau (2011:6), for example,
shows middle-class parents allowing children
to negotiate and assert themselves and their
children displaying an “emerging sense of
entitlement.” Working-class parents, in turn,
emphasize obedience and deference to author-
ity, and their children demonstrate an “emerg-
ing sense of constraint.” Lareau concludes that
children’s behaviors are likely an implicit and
automatic response to class-based childrearing
practices.

Such explanations, however, have two
important limitations. First, they ignore the
possibility of more active cultural transmis-
sion (Elder 1974; Pugh 2009; Thorne 1993).
Research shows that parents and children can
both be very strategic in their actions. Middle-
class parents, for example, intervene for their
children at school (Brantlinger 2003; Lareau
2000; Nelson 2010), and working-class par-
ents try to manage how their families are

perceived by others (Edwards 2004). Yet,
because scholars pay little attention to the log-
ics of action that guide childrearing decisions,
it is unclear whether or how parents deliber-
ately try to equip children to manage their
own challenges. Similarly, while scholars
have documented children’s rejection of par-
ents’ wishes (Chin and Phillips 2004; Pugh
2009; Zelizer 2002), they have not fully
explored how children come to accept and
utilize parents’ class-based lessons. Lareau
(2011), for example, observed children only in
interactions with parents and did not conduct
interviews with them. Thus, she cannot say
how children behave in their parents’ absence
or how children make sense of and internalize
what they learn.

Second, socialization research has done
little to link class-based cultural transmission
to social reproduction. Lareau (2011), for
example, assumes that class-based childrear-
ing patterns matter for inequalities. Yet, she
does not show how children’s entitlement or
constraint generates stratified profits. Overall,
while existing research highlights important
social class differences in childrearing, chil-
dren’s behaviors, and classroom advantages,
we know little about how the active efforts of
parents and children contribute to cultural
transmission or how this transmission repro-
duces inequalities.

This study examines these possibilities,
considering how parents prompt children to
activate class-based behaviors and how those
efforts contribute to social reproduction. I do
so by answering the following research
questions:

1. How do parents’ understandings of
appropriate classroom behavior vary
with social class?

2. How do parents actively teach children
class-based behaviors?

3. How do children come to activate par-
ents’ preferred behaviors?

4. How does this activation reproduce
social inequalities?

I answer these questions with data from a
longitudinal, ethnographic study of middle-

1018 American Sociological Review 79(5)

and working-class, white families whose chil-
dren attended the same elementary school.

REsEARCh METhods
Research Site and Sample

Maplewood (all names are pseudonyms) is a
public elementary school near a large, Eastern
city (see Figure 1). While most of Maple-
wood’s families are middle-class, many (~30
percent) are working-class. This allowed me
to compare how middle- and working-class
parents and children interact with each other
and with the same teachers. My connections

to the community (a close relative is a Maple-
wood employee) facilitated access to the site
and acceptance of the project.

At Maplewood, I chose one cohort (four
classrooms) of students to follow from 3rd to
5th grade. The minority population at Maple-
wood was small and stratified, including middle-
class Asian Americans and working-class
Latinos. Thus, to avoid conflating race and
class, I focused on white students. I also
excluded students who moved away. See
Table 1 for sample characteristics and recruit-
ment procedures.

I used surveys and school records to iden-
tify students’ social class backgrounds,

MAPLEWOOD
Public School
500 students
Grades K–5
82% White
9% Latino
6% Asian American
3% African American

Home Types: Apartments, mobile
homes, small single-family homes

Home Values: $150K to $250K

Jobs: Plumber; daycare provider;
sales clerk; waitress; truck driver; etc.

Home Types: Medium to large
single-family homes

Home Values: $250K to $2M

Jobs: Doctor/nurse; lawyer; teacher;
business manager; accountant; etc.

MIDDLE-CLASS NEIGHBORHOODS

WORKING-CLASS NEIGHBORHOODS

figure 1. Research Site

Calarco 1019

grouping them by parents’ educational and
occupational status (Aschaffenburg and Maas
1997; Condron 2009). Middle-class families
had at least one parent with a four-year college
degree and at least one parent in a professional
or managerial occupation. Working-class fam-
ilies did not meet these criteria; parents typi-
cally had high school diplomas and worked
in blue-collar or service jobs. These were
“settled-living” working-class families
(Edwards 2004; Rubin 1976) with steady jobs,
stable relationships, and neat, clean homes.
There were, however, a few single-parents in
both class groups. While these parents some-
times felt overwhelmed with responsibilities,
their efforts to teach their children closely
paralleled those of two-parent families from
similar class backgrounds.

Data Collection

The longitudinal study included in-school
observations; in-depth interviews with chil-
dren, parents, and teachers; parent surveys;
and analyses of students’ school records.
Table 2 provides details. I observed during
the students’ 3rd-, 4th-, and 5th-grade school
years, visiting Maplewood at least twice

weekly, with each observation lasting approx-
imately three hours. I divided time equally
between the four classrooms in each grade
and rotated the days and times I observed
each class. During observations, I used ethno-
graphic jottings to document interactions I
observed and to record pieces of dialog from
informal conversations with teachers and stu-
dents. After each observation, I expanded
these jottings into detailed fieldnotes.

Ethnographers must make hard choices. In
this study, I focused my three years of obser-
vations in classrooms so as to see the payoff
of parents’ efforts. As a result, the study does
not include systematic home observations.
Still, I was able to observe parent-child inter-
actions during school events and during inter-
views in family homes. These observations
corroborated the numerous reports of parent-
child coaching that I gathered from inter-
views with children, parents, and teachers.

All interviews were audio-recorded and
transcribed. I used these interviews to under-
stand children’s home lives, school experi-
ences, and interactions with parents, teachers,
and classmates. When speaking with parents
and students, I concluded each interview by
asking interviewees to respond to four

Table 1. Participants by Role and Type of Participation

Classroom
Observationsa In-Home Interviewsbc

Parent
Surveys

Students
White, Working-Class 14 9
White, Middle-Class 42 12
Parents
White, Working-Class 9 14
White, Middle-Class 15 42
Teachers 17 12

aI solicited parents’ consent for observation of all students in the target cohort at Maplewood, receiving
permission for all but 19 children. For this analysis, I excluded minority students (n = 10) and children
who moved away during the study (n = 12).
bI interviewed parents and children from the same families, selecting families from those who were
already participating in the observation portion of the study. I contacted all 14 working-class families
and a randomly selected group of 15 middle-class families to participate in interviews. Although 27
families agreed to participate, scheduling conflicts prevented some interviews from taking place.
cMost parents interviewed were mothers (I asked to speak with children’s primary caregivers). The
sample includes two single fathers (both working-class) and three married fathers (all middle-class) who
participated in interviews with their wives. Most participants were in married, two-parent families; six
parents were divorced (three working-class, three middle-class).

1020 American Sociological Review 79(5)

vignettes. These vignettes described typical
classroom challenges (e.g., “Jason is strug-
gling to understand the directions on a test”)
and were based on situations I had observed
or learned about through conversations with
teachers. With each vignette, I asked inter-
viewees to describe how the characters should
respond to the situation (e.g., “What do you
think Jason should do?”). I also asked partici-
pants to discuss similar experiences in their
own lives. I then coded these open-ended
responses and used them to compare respond-
ents’ attitudes across social class and genera-
tional lines. I present some of these
comparisons to highlight patterns documented
in the larger ethnographic study.

Data Analysis

I conducted an ongoing process of data analy-
sis, regularly reviewing fieldnotes and

interview transcripts and writing analytic
memos (Emerson, Fretz, and Shaw 1995). I
used the memos to identify emerging themes
in the data, discuss connections to existing
research, and pose additional questions. After
creating a preliminary coding scheme from
themes in the memos, I used ATLAS.ti to
code sections of fieldnotes, interview tran-
scripts, documents, and seating charts. While
coding, I also developed data matrices (Miles
and Huberman 1994) to clarify comparisons
and identify disconfirming evidence.

PAREnTs’ undERsTAndIngs
of APPRoPRIATE BEhAvIoR
Before examining parents’ coaching of class-
based strategies, it is important to understand
how social class shaped these efforts.
Research highlights social class differences in
parents’ interactions with their children (Chin

Table 2. Study Overview and Timeline

Grade 3 Grade 4 Grade 5

Period of Study March 2008 to
June 2008

August 2008 to
June 2009

August 2009 to
June 2010

Observationsa 4 Classrooms 4 Classrooms 4 Classrooms
(~20 students each) (~20 students each) (~20 students each)
Twice weekly Twice weekly Twice weekly
3 Hours per visit 3 Hours per visit 3 Hours per visit

Interviews 4 Teachersb 4 Teachers 4 Teachers
21 Studentsc

24 Parentsd

Parent Surveyse 56 Families

School Recordsf 52 Students 52 Students 52 Students

aI observed students in their regular classes and ability-grouped math classes; during enrichment
activities (art, gym, library, music, and Spanish); during lunch and recess; and during assemblies and
other school activities.
bTeacher interviews were conducted mid-way through each school year. Interviews took place in
teachers’ classrooms and lasted approximately 60 to 90 minutes.
cStudent interviews were conducted during the summer after 5th grade, when students were 10 or 11
years old. Interviews took place in children’s homes and lasted about 60 to 90 minutes.
dParent interviews were conducted during the summer after 5th grade. Interviews took place in parents’
homes (except one, which took place in a parent’s office) and lasted approximately 90 to 120 minutes.
eParent surveys collected information on students’ family backgrounds, school achievement,
friendships, and after-school activities.
fStudents’ school records included grades, standardized test scores, and teacher comments, as well as
records of e-mail, phone, and written contact between parents and teachers. Four families closed access
to their children’s school records.

Calarco 1021

and Phillips 2004; Lareau 2011) and with
their children’s schools (Cucchiara and Hor-
vat 2008; Lareau 2000; Nelson 2010). Yet,
scholars say little about the origins of such
patterns. At Maplewood, I found that middle-
and working-class parents had different strat-
egies for managing problems at school. Those
differences reflected parents’ positions in the
status hierarchy, which influenced their com-
fort interacting with the school and led them
to adopt different class-based logics of action
for interpreting the “appropriate” form of
behavior in those settings.

Middle-Class Parents: Modeling
By-Any-Means Problem-Solving

Middle-class parents adopted a by-any-means
approach to solving problems with their chil-
dren’s schooling. They actively intervened to
request support and accommodations, lobby-
ing to have children tested for gifted or spe-
cial needs programs and often writing notes
excusing their children from homework and
other activities. Ms. Bell sent this note to her
son’s 3rd-grade teacher, Ms. Nelson, when he
left his homework at school:

Dear Paula,
Aidan forgot his homework folder yester-
day. As a result, he was not able to do his
homework last night. I will have him com-
plete it this evening. I apologize for the
inconvenience. Last night I had him read
and do math problems from a workbook to
replace homework time. Again, sorry he
won’t be prepared today.
Susan

Middle-class parents seemed to expect their
interventions to generate benefits, and they
were usually correct in that assumption. Ms.
Nelson, for example, generally required stu-
dents to stay in for recess if they forgot their
homework. Given Ms. Bell’s note, however,
Ms. Nelson allowed Aidan to submit the
homework the next day with no penalty.

Middle-class parents adopted this by-any-
means approach to problem-solving because

they interpreted classroom interactions through
a logic of entitlement. Given their educational
and occupational attainment, middle-class par-
ents appeared to perceive themselves as equal
or greater in status relative to children’s teach-
ers. As a result, they were very comfortable
intervening and questioning teachers’ judg-
ments regarding classroom assignments, abil-
ity group placements, testing procedures, and
homework policies. One interview vignette
described a student, “Brian,” who came home
complaining about being “bored” in math
class. As Table 3 shows, parents’ responses to
this vignette divided sharply by social class.
While all the middle-class parents saw the situ-
ation as requiring immediate requests for
accommodations, working-class parents
tended to view deference to teachers’ judg-
ments as the appropriate response.

When asked open-ended questions about
how Brian’s parent should respond in this
situation, all the middle-class parents said
they would talk to the teacher or encourage
Brian to talk to the teacher. Ms. Matthews’s
response was typical of middle-class parents:

I would ask for a higher math class. I think
that would be the obvious first step. And if
that’s not a possibility, then I think asking
for additional work, or asking if Brian could
mentor one of the other children. That way
he could use the knowledge that he has to
help another child learn. I think that would
be a good lesson for him.

Although the teachers worked hard to deter-
mine the appropriate math level for each stu-
dent, Ms. Matthews, like many middle-class
parents, perceived herself as a better judge of
her child’s needs. These parents also believed
they were entitled to negotiate with teachers,
seeing such requests as an “obvious first
step.” At Maplewood, teachers were reluctant
to change students’ placement. Yet, many
middle-class students (but no working-class
students) were moved up due to their parents’
persistent requests.

This entitlement to intervene prompted
middle-class parents to be highly involved at

1022 American Sociological Review 79(5)

school and granted them insider status at
Maplewood. Many middle-class mothers at
Maplewood were full-time parents, but even
employed mothers helped run volunteer pro-
grams, bake sales, and evening events that
raised more than $50,000 annually for the
parent-teacher organization (PTO). In light of
their involvement, middle-class parents were
often deeply familiar with school expectations,
procedures, and personnel. They also readily
exchanged this information with other (typi-
cally middle-class) parents during play-dates,
soccer games, school events, and phone con-
versations. As a result, middle-class parents
knew the sequence and timing of state assess-
ments, the weekly school schedule, and the
procedures for requesting accommodations.

That insider status shaped middle-class
parents’ beliefs about teachers’ behavioral
expectations. They understood that—unlike
when they were in school—teachers valued
questions and requests from both parents and
students. As Ms. Shore, who works full-time
but contacts her children’s teachers regularly
by e-mail, explained:

It’s become more than just a gentle encour-
agement. It’s official. You’re a high-quality
learner if you’re willing to ask questions
when you have one, and [the teachers] actu-
ally reward the asking.

Middle-class parents recognized that although
their own teachers might have balked at such
requests, school expectations had changed.
They assumed that teachers would reward
proactive help-seeking, and thus they adopted
a logic of entitlement in managing problems
at school.

Working-Class Parents: Modeling
No-Excuses Problem-Solving

Unlike their middle-class counterparts, working-
class parents adopted a no-excuses approach
to educational challenges. In light of their
limited educational and occupational attain-
ment, working-class parents generally trusted
the school to decide what was best for their
children. Even when working-class parents
were frustrated with teachers’ decisions, they

Table 3. Summary of Open-Ended Responses to Vignette 1 by Social Class

vignette 1: Brian, a 5th grader, usually gets good grades in math and does well on tests.
Brian comes home from school one day and tells his mom that he is often bored during
math class.
Prompt: What do you think should happen with Brian?

Middle-Class Working-Class

Response by descriptive category Parents Children Parents Children

Brian’s mother should ask the teacher to move
him up or give him extra work

9 5 2 0

Brian should ask the teacher to give him extra
work

3 4 0 0

Brian’s parent should ask for the teacher’s
advice at conferences

0 0 2 0

If it’s really an issue, the teacher would notice
and help Brian

0 0 3 1

Brian just needs to be more focused 0 2 2 5
Brian just does not like the material 0 1 0 3

Total 12 12 9 9

Note: Responses to vignettes were open-ended. I coded responses into categories to highlight patterns.
Coded responses are presented here for ease of comparison.

Calarco 1023

tended not to intervene. Ms. Campitello’s son
Zach, for example, often went to school with
incomplete assignments. In our interview, Ms.
Campitello explained that while she tried to
help Zach with his homework, both she and
Zach struggled with the material. Tears brim-
ming in her eyes, she recalled:

Zach gets so frustrated that he just won’t do
it. And I tried, but it was really, really hard. It
got to the point, honestly, where I just gave
up. . . . I wish the teachers would just help
him at school. Cuz they get this stuff. They
know what the kids are supposed to be doing.

Ms. Campitello believed the school could do
more to help Zach with homework and with
his understanding of the material. Yet, like
other working-class parents, she did not
inform Zach’s teachers or ask for additional
support.

Working-class parents adopted this no-
excuses approach to problem-solving because
they interpreted classroom interactions through
a logic of constraint. Given their educational
and occupational attainment, they perceived
themselves as less knowledgeable than “expert”
educators and thus avoided questioning teach-
ers’ judgments. Responding to the Brian
vignette, for example, none of the working-
class parents said they would ask the teacher to
move Brian to a higher math level (see Table
3). Similarly, in 2nd grade, Ms. Trumble noticed
that her son, Jeremy, was not reading as well as
his older siblings had at that age. Ms. Trumble
worried, but she did not intervene:

I thought maybe there was something
wrong, but I didn’t wanna say anything. I
think the teachers are pretty good. If there’s
any kind of problem, I think they’d jump on
it right then and there to help. Like [in kin-
dergarten] they figured out that Jeremy had
some speech problems and they got him into
speech therapy.

Even when their children were struggling,
working-class parents “didn’t wanna say any-
thing.” They assumed that teachers had a

better understanding of children’s academic
needs, and that they as non-professionals
were not equipped to influence decisions
about children’s schooling.

This reluctance to intervene prompted
working-class parents to be less involved at
school and relegated them largely to outsider
status at Maplewood. Working-class parents
occasionally attended conferences or con-
certs, but they spent relatively little time vol-
unteering. Even the few working-class parents
who did not work full-time were not a regular
presence at school. As a result, working-class
parents tended not to be very familiar with
school expectations, procedures, and person-
nel. This lack of familiarity was compounded
by the fact that working-class parents gener-
ally had few social connections with teachers
or other Maplewood parents.

That outsider status shaped working-class
parents’ beliefs about teachers’ behavioral
expectations. Without inside information,
working-class parents tended to rely on their
own experiences in school as a guide. During
an interview, Mr. Graham remembered a
formative incident from 5th grade:

The teacher gave us a test and none of us
understood. We were like, “What are you
talking about?” I mean, it was like she
thought she explained it clear as day. And
we read it, but it just didn’t jive.2

When I asked Mr. Graham what happened
next, he continued, shaking his head:

Well, she was upset because we asked her
about it. She yelled at us, cuz she just didn’t
understand why we didn’t get it! That was a
rough little time in school. I mean, a number
of us were upset about it, crying upset about
it. I think I probably took the brunt of it, cuz
I was the one that challenged her.

While the teachers at Maplewood did repri-
mand students for offenses like being off-
task, name-calling, and running in the
hallways, I never saw a teacher punish a stu-
dent for seeking help. Middle-class parents,

1024 American Sociological Review 79(5)

by virtue of their insider involvement, recog-
nized that school expectations around question-
asking had changed over time. Working-class
parents, drawing only on their own school
experiences, assumed that teachers would
perceive requests as disrespectful, and thus
they adopted a logic of constraint in manag-
ing problems at school.

PAREnTs TEACh ClAss-
BAsEd BEhAvIoRs
Parents’ class-based logics shaped not only
their comfort interacting with teachers, but
also their beliefs about how to manage chal-
lenges appropriately at school. Such beliefs
prompted parents to coach their children to
activate similar strategies when interacting
with teachers. Although parent-

Sociology homework help

super
diversity
super
diversity

Maurice Crul
Jens Schneider
Frans Lelie

In 2011, Amsterdam became a majority minority city. The inhabitants of
Dutch descent officially became a minority. Only one in three young people
under the age of fifteen is of native parentage. In short: big cities in the
Netherlands and in other West-European countries are becoming super-
diverse. So far, however, no intellectual perspective has been formulated
in response to this development.

Super-diversity offers a new perspective within the integration debate by
defining the conditions required for a scenario of hope for today’s large
multi-ethnic cities. We are standing at the crossroads: this international
comparison shows how a hopeful future is dawning in those cities which
provide education and employment opportunities for the children of
immigrants. The successful second generation is taking the lead when it
comes to emancipation. Highly-educated young people are advocating
gender equality in their community, as well as the individual’s right to
decide about their sexuality.

The super-diversity perspective sheds new light on today’s urban society.
It is the perspective of a growing group of city dwellers who are decidedly
intolerant of intolerance and the limitation of personal freedom.
We are proposing a progressive alternative to the problematic aspects of
multiculturalism that demanded tolerance for all cultural opinions and
customs, even those which propagated intolerance towards others.

su
p

e
r-d

ive
rsity

M
a

u
rice C

ru
l – Je

n
s Sch

n
e

id
e

r – Fra
n

s Le
lie

www.vuuniversitypress.com

ISBN 978 90 8659 633 1

VU University Press

Super-diversity
A new perspective on integration

This publication would not have been possible without the support
of the King Baudouin Foundation in Belgium, the Volkswagen
Foundation in Germany, and The Orange Foundation and the
ECHO Expertisecentrum Diversiteitsbeleid in the Netherlands.

VU University Press
De Boelelaan 1105
1081 HV Amsterdam
The Netherlands
info@vuuitgeverij.nl
www.vuuitgeverij.nl

© 2013 Maurice Crul, Jens Schneider and Frans Lelie

Book design & layout by Studio Annelies Vlasblom, Amsterdam
Photography by Reinier Gerritsen
English translation by Crossover Translations

ISBN 978 90 8659 733 8

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by
any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording,
or otherwise, without the prior written consent of the publisher.

Maurice Crul, Jens Schneider and Frans Lelie

Super-diversity
A new perspective
on integration

VU University Press
Amsterdam

Maurice Crul holds the chair for Education and Diversity at the Free University in Amsterdam
and is a professor at Erasmus University in Rotterdam. He is a sociologist and known for his

comparative international research into the school and employment careers of the children

of migrants. His most recent comparative international research, which he is coordinating

together with Jens Schneider, focuses on successful young people of the second generation

and is called ‘Elites: Pathways to Success’.

Jens Schneider is senior researcher at the Institute for Migration Research and Intercultural
Studies at the University of Osnabruck. He is an anthropologist, and is known for his

research into national identity in Europe and Latin America.

Frans Lelie is the project manager of TIES: The Integration of the European Second
Generation and Elites: Pathways to Success. She has also edited related film projects and

publications.

“I am worse at what I do best, for this gift I feel blessed”
(Kurt Cobain, Nirvana)

This book is dedicated to my 91-year-old mother Ans Crul-Bos.
In her unique, inimitable way she taught me to approach everyone
without prejudice.

Maurice Crul

Preface

This book was written in the dark days of the Dutch coalition government of Rutte,
Verhagen and Wilders. It was a time during which one constantly had to explain
to foreign colleagues what had happened to the Netherlands. We are now in the
post-Wilders period; not because the Netherlands has changed, but because Wilders
committed political suicide. No party will risk entering into a coalition with his party
any time in the near future. Wilders seems to be losing his stranglehold on the inte-
gration debate, and the open wounds that his populist rhetoric inflicted on Dutch
society are slowly healing. However, no reply has been formulated to challenge his
vision. The polarisation that Wilders tried to bring about has left us with a strangely
empty, nauseous feeling. It is time to fill this emptiness with a new vision of integra-
tion. The actor Nasrdin Dchar was one of the first with the courage to publicly break
away from this path of exclusion when receiving his award for the film Rabat:

“This Golden Calf award stands for dreams. That it is important to dream (…..)
This calf also stands for overcoming fears, and unfortunately, the Netherlands is
afraid. We are being injected with fear. A few months ago, I read an article in which
Minister Verhagen stated that ‘the fear of foreigners’ is all too easy to understand;
well, Mr Verhagen and Geert Wilders along with you and all your supporters: I am
a Dutchman, and I am very proud of my Moroccan blood. I am a Muslim, and I’m
standing here with a frigging Golden Calf award in my hand. This calf stands for love.
Love and passion. Because without love and passion, this film would never have been
made.”

This book was also born of passion, but it would not have been possible without
generous subsidies from the King Baudouin Foundation in Belgium, The Orange
Foundation in the Netherlands and the Volkswagen Foundation in Germany. Our
German friends from the vw Foundation had also supported us earlier as major
sponsors of the ties study, an international study of the second generation in Europe
which provides the empirical basis for this book. The Expertise Centre for Higher
Education (echo), whose mission is to promote the participation of students with a
migrant background in higher education, hosted this project and as sponsor of the

chair for education and diversity of the main author, Maurice Crul, it has also been
closely involved with the creation and distribution of this book.

We are grateful to many people for their altruistic contribution to this project. In
particular, we would like to thank Miriyam Aouragh, Wim Willems, Mary Tupan-
Wenno, Jan Hoogeveen and Marjon Bolwijn for their illuminating comments and
suggestions for earlier versions of this book. Thanks to their efforts, this book’s
message comes across with greater clarity. We would also like to thank Semra Çelebi,
Serdar Manavoglu and Murat Isik for their moving personal contributions in the
form of the essays they have written for this book. Super-diversity also includes five
film portraits by Elsbeth Dijkstra and Frans Lelie. We would like to thank Elsbeth for
her contribution to this cinematic adventure, as well as the stars of these short film
portraits – Youness Bourimech, Bilinc Ercan, Muhammet Yilmaz, Miriyam Aouragh
and Halil Karaaslan – for their enthusiastic cooperation. Finally, we would like to
thank Annelies Vlasblom for her stunning graphic design work for Super-diversity,
and Jan Oegema of the vu University Press for his faith in this publication.

Content

Chapter 1 – A new perspective on integration 11

Tram 51 12
Integration in a city of minorities 14
New York: The second and third generation inherits the city 15
‘Eurabia’ 16
The paradox within the integration debate 18
Thinking outside the box 19
Future scenarios for the large European cities 20
Emancipation follows on from social mobility 23

Chapter 2 – Emancipation of the second generation 27

Hamburg 28
Paris 30
Rotterdam 32
Amsterdam 34
Brussels 36

Chapter 3 – Education as the key to emancipation 38

The fiasco caused by thinking ‘they won’t stay for long’ 38
The balance after fifty years of labour migration 39
Optimists versus pessimists 40
Progress in the second generation is crucial 41
Leaving school early 42
It doesn’t have to be this way! 45
Successful against all expectations 46
Punished for your low-educated parents 49
Snakes and ladders 52

Chapter 4 – Success in the labour market 54

From checkout girl to branch manager! 54
Differences between the countries with regard to positions
in the labour market 55
Stockholm 58
Amsterdam 58
Berlin 59
Emancipation through the job market 61
Working married women make the difference! 62
Discrimination in the labour market 64
Increasing unemployment 66
Ethnic underclass or modern yuppies 66
Emancipation of the second generation 67

Chapter 5 – Generation MiX 69

Iamsterdam 70
Interethnic friendships 73
The scenario of hope 76
The hinge generation 79
Future scenarios for the cities 82
The majority-minority city as opportunity 82

Four Essays – My Identity 85

Murat Isik 87
Semra Çelebi 95
Serdar Manavoglu 99
Maurice Crul 105

References 109

11

Chapter 1

A new perspective
on integration

The current debate on integration has reached an impasse. Multiculturalism has
been discredited as an idea, while at the same time, multi-ethnic cities have become
a reality everywhere. It is time for what the Dutch sociologist Justus Uitermark
coined a ‘post-multi-cultural strategy’ (Nicholls and Uitermark 2013). A new vision
of integration, offering an alternative to the policy of exclusion advocated by the
right-wing populists and to the tired old demands for migrants and their children to
assimilate. Our new vision is based on the emancipation of the second generation
(the children born in Europe to first generation migrants). We will show that socially
successful young people from this second generation represent the most progressive
forces within their own communities. It is they who are tackling the themes that have
brought multiculturalism under attack: gender equality and the right to decide about
your own sexuality. It is they who are fighting for the rights of girls to continue their
education, and they are breaking down the obstacles that have prevented women
from entering the employment market. They demand the freedom to choose their
life partner and the right to decide about their own sexuality.

A fundamental element of our argument is that progressive values will be embraced
as a result of social and economic advances, and not because people are forced to
assimilate. The power and energy that is emerging as a result of the emancipation
process which is underway within the second generation is the driving force behind
what we will call the scenario of empowerment and hope.

We will argue that in those European countries where the second generation is
receiving educational opportunities and equal treatment, developments are under-
way that will lead to a powerful and visible emancipation movement among the
second generation.

The most important question is therefore: where and under what conditions can
the emancipation of the second generation develop most effectively? Which context
provides the best environment for this emancipation? However, we must also ask:
where is the lack of social advance creating division and contributing to a negative

12

scenario? An important conclusion is that policy choices concerning education, the
labour market and housing can all help to steer towards a positive outcome.

Tram 51

I was waiting for tram 51 at the stop for the vu (Free University Amsterdam). This
tram, which travels straight through Amsterdam, represents a microcosm of our
new metropolitan society. Beside me stood a student wearing a green headscarf and
a black dress over her jeans, speaking Turkish into her smart phone. Once aboard
the tram, I could hear two boys behind me, both with short haircuts, speaking in
a mixture of Moroccan and Dutch. Just across the aisle, an African woman hold-
ing a little boy on her lap was struggling to keep the boisterous youngster in his
seat. Finally, an older Chinese woman, who had difficulty walking, headed straight
to the unoccupied seat beside the door. This tram journey through New West, Old
South and the Nieuwmarkt revealed a different type of urban diversity at each stop.
At Amstel station, two boys got off the tram, still discussing the business econom-
ics lecture they were about to attend at Amsterdam University of Applied Sciences,
which is located beside the station. The old Chinese woman got off at Nieuwmarkt
station, where her grandson was waiting for her on the platform. On arrival at the
last stop the energetic little boy impatiently dragged his African mother from the
tram towards Central Station.

According to data released by Amsterdam city council on 1 January 2011,
Amsterdam is one of the European cities destined to officially become what is known
as a majority-minority city, following in the footsteps of world cities such as New
York, Sao Paolo, Toronto and Sydney. Today, only 49.7% of Amsterdam’s population
is of native Dutch origin. The other half originates from no fewer than 176 coun-
tries. Partly thanks to a host of films and television series, we see New York as a
vibrant metropolitan melting pot. Everyone who has actually visited the city has
been fascinated by the diverse atmospheres in the distinct neighbourhoods which
together define the city’s cosmopolitan nature. European cities are slowly approach-
ing the same degree of diversity. Their main difference to New York is that in Europe,
there is a clear, ethnically defined majority group in the large cities. However, they
have already lost, or are soon about to lose, their numerical majority position. Soon,
everyone living in a large European city will belong to an ethnic minority group,
just as they do in New York. The speed at which European cities are changing and
the immense diversity of nationalities that populate these cities are unique in our
history. Historians like to remind us that the European cities and regions of the past
were also extremely heterogeneous. Examples of this include the cities in Germany’s

13

14

Ruhr region, to which Polish migrants flocked during the First World War and,
further back in time, Amsterdam, which became home to Huguenots from France
and Sephardic Jews from Spain (Lucassen 2005). However, never before have so
many people from so many different parts of the world come to western European
cities within such a short period. They have arrived in numbers which have, as is the
case with Amsterdam, turned the old majority groups into a minority in just two
generations.

Returning to the view offered by the culturally diverse travellers in the tram, it is
also clear that the old majority group has not been replaced by a single new majority
group. Those who are described as ‘allochthones’ in one country, as ‘migrants’ in
another, and as ethnic minorities in yet another, form an extremely heterogeneous
group. The cultural and social differences between them are often larger than their
differences to the old majority group. For example, there is a gigantic difference in
cultural and religious background between Ghanaian Amsterdammers and Turkish
Amsterdammers; you only have to visit a religious service of each of these groups to
realise that it is impossible to regard them as a homogenous group.

Never before has our urban population been so diverse in terms of culture, ethnic-
ity and religion. When you add the older distinctions of rich and poor or old and
young to this diversity, you arrive at the image of diversity reflected by the passengers
of tram 51. The result of this exponential increase in diversity has been described
by the American anthropologist Steven Vertovec (Vertovec 2007) with the striking
term ‘super-diversity’.

Integration in a city of minorities

Our ways of thinking about who is integrated and who is not will have to be radi-
cally adjusted in the light of the new majority-minority cities. In a society where
one group forms a clear majority, minorities are expected to adapt to the opinions
and customs of the dominant group. If there is no longer an ethnic majority group,
everyone will have to adapt to everyone else. Diversity will become the new norm.
This will require one of the largest psychological shifts of our time. Some members
of the old majority group will fiercely resist the loss of their dominant position. For
others, however, the city’s diversity will hold a powerful appeal.

But how can we imagine the idea that ‘everyone must adapt to everyone else’ in
concrete terms? Primary school is an environment where this new metropolitan
reality can already be clearly seen. The present-day primary school population in any
large western European city cannot be compared to that of thirty or forty years ago.
Children from the old majority group are already well in the minority at many prima-

15

ry schools, particularly those in older inner city neighbourhoods, or, depending on
the city, in suburbs where affordable housing can be found. Children from all ethnic
groups who are starting at such a school must integrate into the new diverse ethnic
reality. The challenge of feeling at home in such a super-diverse schoolroom will be
equal for all children, irrespective of their ethnic origin.

Another example from education illustrates the idea of ‘integration for everyone’
in more detail. Many higher education students of native parentage move from
small towns to the cities to study. They live in affordable neighbourhoods, where
many migrants and their children also live. These students of native Dutch parent-
age, coming as they do from more homogenous small villages and towns, experience
more integration problems, and logically feel less at home in their new neighbour-
hood than the ‘migrant’ youngsters who have lived there all their lives.

Many students of native parentage also live far away from their familiar network,
while youngsters of the second generation often have a close and extended network
of family and friends in their neighbourhood and city.

The idea of the “established person of native parentage” and “the newcomers of
migrant parentage” no longer applies in the big cities. In many neighbourhoods, the
young people of the second generation are more likely to be the ‘born and bred’
group than other young city dwellers from the old majority group (Crul et al. 2012).
Increasingly, these second generation youngsters form the most integrated group in
the city. They can be found on the street from an early age, and in the process they
make the neighbourhood and the city their own. From early childhood, the boys play
football in the squares and the girls, along with older residents, are the neighbour-
hood library’s most dedicated users. At secondary school, they expand their hori-
zons by finding a job in the supermarket or delivering pizzas on their motor scooters.
As students, they discover night life and the shops in the city centre. In Amsterdam,
the group that has lived longest in the city already consists of women of Moroccan
descent. This is an important starting point for a new vision regarding integration.

New York: The second and third generation inherits the city

The American researchers Phil Kasinitz, John Mollenkopf, Mary Waters and Jennifer
Holdaway gave their book on the children of migrants (the second and third genera-
tion) in New York an unambiguous title: ‘Inheriting the City’ (Kasinitz et al. 2008). In
New York, the second generation and their children will form the new majority and
‘inherit’ the city from the inhabitants who shaped it before them. New Yorkers are
well accustomed to rapid changes in population groups within their neighbourhoods,
in the subway travelling to work, and on the work floor. This is characteristic of the

16

city’s dynamic nature and, for New Yorkers, it is a fact of life. Each migrant group
has bequeathed the city a new cooking smell, a new skin colour and a new identity.
The migration history of their families is part of every New Yorker’s self-awareness.

If we look at the history of American cities though, we can see that this does not
mean that the old majority group (English Protestants) gave up its dominant position
just like that when the new migrants arrived. For example, at the beginning of the
last century, the Germans in Philadelphia and the Catholic Irish in Boston were vari-
ously and colourfully depicted as a threat to the English protestant way of life. East
European Jews were kept out of public positions and denied access to elite univer-
sities such as Harvard or Princeton for many years. Change only took place slowly.
For a long time, the wasp – White Anglo-Saxon Protestant – was seen as being ‘the
only real American’. Judaism and Catholicism only became part of the American
Mainstream after a long struggle (Alba et al. 2012).

The diversity of a city like New York provides us Europeans with an interesting taste
of the future. Cities like Paris, Berlin, Brussels and Amsterdam are rapidly develop-
ing in the same direction. With their much more developed welfare states, European
cities will create their own version of New York. At the same time, European cities
do not have the same open attitude towards migrants as do American cities. These
differences may mean that the second generation in European cities has more social
and economic opportunities, but they also pose specific social and cultural challeng-
es. In many European countries, members of the second and even third generation
are still referred to as ‘migrants’. It is much more difficult for the second generation
in the Netherlands to claim Dutch identity than it is for the children of migrants on
the other side of the Atlantic to feel American.

‘Eurabia’

This parallel with the history of American cities raises the question of who will inher-
it Europe’s major cities. Right-wing populist politicians in Europe are ever more
vociferous in their cries that ‘the Muslims’ are going to take over European cities
and islamise them. Authors holding such views use the term Eurabia to describe
this dystopia. They see Muslims as a threat to the ‘Judeo-Christian’ tradition, and
migrants and their children as the vanguard of an exploding ethnic socio-econom-
ic underclass. According to these modern prophets of doom, the cocktail of Islam
and the formation of an underclass is a ticking time bomb. Their dystopian visions
alternate between images of unemployed youth descending into crime and reducing
cities to a state of chaos and the image of young men hulled in djellabas and bran-
dishing the Koran, preaching hate against western society.

17

In the 1980s, labour migrants were the natural allies of the working class as far as
social democrats and socialists on the left were concerned. They represented the
modern embodiment of exploitation and oppression. You could say that this roman-
ticising blinded the ‘left’ to who the migrants actually were. To a certain degree,
this is expressed by Max Frisch’s famous sentence: ‘We asked for hands to do the
work, but we got people’. The new workers generally came from rural areas, were
religious, held traditional opinions about gender roles and were, as a rule, proud of
their origins. These were all values which were being abandoned to an increasing
degree by social democratic and socialist movements during this period.

At the same time, the post-war generation of left-wing intellectual writers,
academics and artists continued to stress the dangers of a belief in the superiority
of western civilisation, as a result of their determination that fascism should never
be allowed to rise again. Cultural relativism – the idea that all cultures and religions
are equal – became the foundation on which multiculturalism was based. Nurturing
understanding for, or at least requiring a degree of tolerance towards ‘non-western’
cultural and religious customs was the rule. This school of thought was increasingly
put to the test when some people, acting in the name of the same religious or cultur-
al customs, threatened the rights of other minorities (Kurds, Turkish Christians or
Aleviets), women or homosexuals. In fact, tolerance was asked for intolerance, all
in the name of multiculturalism. This seriously undermined support for the idea of
multiculturalism. Writers, politicians and academics (for example, Oriana Fallaci in
Italy, Alain Finkielkraut in France, Pim Fortuyn in the Netherlands and Thelo Sarazin
in Germany), members of the post-war left-wing intellectual generation, began to
express their uneasiness about cultural relativism in books and the opinion pages
of the media. A number of them went a step further by also engaging politically
with the right with their plea to defend ‘western’ values against conservative religious
Islam.

In the meantime, the crisis concerning multiculturalism has prompted the popu-
list right to seamlessly appropriate a number of traditional progressive emancipation
themes. They have embraced the rights of women and homosexuals as if they had
never held conservative views on these matters in the first place. This provoked the
following wry observation from a cynical commentator in Austria: ‘mit dem Islam
wir jetzt alle Feministen geworden sind!’ Dutch sociologist Halleh Ghorashi calls this
the culturalisation of the emancipation of migrant women (Ghorashi 2006).

18

The paradox within the integration debate

The paradoxical developments described above come together in Europe’s major
cities. Multiculturalism as an idea is under fire from both left and right, while in the
meantime, the city as a place consisting only of minorities is already becoming mani-
fest reality. In some cities, this demographic turning point has already been reached,
and it will happen in other cities within the next five to ten years.

What is the political response to this development? The answer from right-wing
populists is simple: this must not be allowed to happen. The flow of migration must
be stopped. The electoral gains of right-wing populist parties in many European
countries are an expression of support for this position. The solution that the right-
wing populists offer their supporters is, however, a spurious one: even if further
immigration were halted this instant, the present demographic make-up of the large
cities will inevitably lead to a majority of minorities. Right-wing populists deny this
reality. They have no answer to the question of how people from different back-
grounds can live together in this new reality.

Meanwhile, mainstream politicians advocate ever more vigorously the setting of
‘national norms and values’ with which ‘newcomers’ must comply. This call to assim-
ilation comes not only from conservative parties, but also increasingly often from
progressive politicians. They demand the adoption of progressive values such as
equality between men and women and the separation of church and state. But how
can the old majority group enforce such assimilation in everyday situations when
they have lost their numerical dominance? Two thirds of the young inhabitants of
the large cities already have an immigrant background. Seen from this perspective,
the increasingly loud clamour from mainstream politicians for assimilation often has
a hollow and populist ring. These calls do not represent any vision of what integra-
tion means in an increasingly diverse society; instead they look more like a desper-
ate attempt to counter the political rhetoric of right-wing populists. In practice the
result of these calls to assimilate is that an increasing number of citizens with a
migrant background feels excluded and unwelcome. These demands are becoming
ever more far-reaching. Nowadays, it is as if the second and third generation can
only be considered to be truly integrated if they repudiate their origins and renounce
Islam. Not surprisingly, this has provoked much anger and resistance among them.

19

Thinking outside the box

Political leaders, policy makers and researchers in different European countries
generally formulate their approach to integration within their own national concep-
tual framework. Integration practices just a few miles away across the border often
go unnoticed. This seriously limits thinking about successful integration practices.
To look beyond the border allows for a remarkably clear view. The Turkish second
generation is the most suitable group to identify successful practices. With more
than four million people, Turks are the largest group with a migrant background
in western Europe. They are an ideal group for international comparison because
they have settled in almost all western European countries in significant numbers.
Turkish immigrants are spread from Sweden and Norway in northern Europe to
France in southern Europe and Switzerland and Austria in central Europe.

Originally from small villages in central Anatolia, the shores of the Black Sea and
the Aegean coast, they were sent by recruitment agencies to the Volvo factories
in Stockholm, the mines in France and Belgium, the shipyards in Rotterdam and
Hamburg and the machine and car factories in Berlin and Amsterdam.

The children of Turkish migrant workers in Europe were born into broadly compa-
rable situations. The ways in which these different countries shaped their integra-
tion, however, varied significantly. By comparing young people whose parents have
comparable cultural and geographical backgrounds (migrants from Turkey) with the
same starting position (all born in Europe to parents with a very low average level of
education), we could gain valuable insights.

The differences in the results between countries are quite remarkable. In Sweden,
for example, six times as many of the Turkish second generation go on to higher
education than in Germany. In both cases they are the children of migrant workers,
who in some cases even came from the same villages, but in one country they are
studying to become engineers or accountants, while in the other, their chances of
entering higher education are practically non-existent. What are these two countries
doing differently?

In the following chapter we will show that ways of structuring education and
organising the transition to the labour market are the real reasons for these differ-
ences. The European countries take very varied approaches which, in practice, lead
to very varied outcomes. The fact that politicians, policy makers and researchers
continue to focus solely on their own country blinds us to important success stories
beyond our national boundaries. An international comparison can make successful
practices visible. Looking across borders like this gives us practical pointers that we
can use to develop a new perspective on integration.

20

Future scenarios for the large European cities

In his book ‘The Geo-politics of Emotion’, the French polit

Sociology homework help

17

Food Waste Behavior
in an Urban Population
Gail G. Harrison, William L. Rathje,
and Wilson W. Hughes

In the previous profile, we gained some idea of the range of
applications of garbology. This selection is an example of
such study. Excess food waste is a serious problem, partic-
ularly in the global context of widespread hunger, the pop-
ulation explosion, and dwindling environmental resources.

Understanding patterns offood use and waste, how-
ever, is not a simple task; researchers cannot get reliable
data by just asking members of households. On the one
hand, people simply do not know. They may answer a ques-
tion about food consumption, but as we see in this article,
they can befarfrom accurate. On the other hand, respon-
dents to a questionnaire might give the answers they think
the researcher wants to hear or the answers they think are
expected or appropriate. For example, they may under-
report their consumption of beer (orfatteningfoods) be-
cause of our image of what is acceptable and appropriate.

Although archaeology developed as a means of study-
ing the past—and it still is that—it is becoming an impor-
tant tool for understanding the problems of the present,
and as we will see in the next reading, developing new
tools for the future.

As you read this selection, ask yourself the following
questions:

El How might being told you are part of a study offood
waste affect your behavior?

El Do you think respondents to a survey questionnaire
can accurately estimate the amount offood wasted in
their household?

LI What is meant by the term nonreactive measure?

El What proportion (percent) of household foods were
wasted in Tucson in 1973 and 1974?

El Would you expect less waste of beef during a beef
shortage than during times of plenty? Why?

The following terms discussed in this selection are in-
cluded in the Glossary at the back of the book:
demography
epidemiological methods
garbology
nonreactive measure of behavior
sample
waste behavior

Reprinted with permission, Journal of Nutrition Education, vol. 7
(1):13-16,1975, Society for Nutrition Education.

09

Qrowing awareness of the finite limits of natural re-
sources under the pressure of an exploding population
has made it necessary to look at human utilization of
food resources in a new light. The concept of effi-
ciency—ecological and economic—has assumed a
new priority in nutrition policy and planning. At the
household level, economic inflation has made efficient
use of food resources more obviously important to
more consumers than it has been in the past.

Recent analyses of the U.S. food production sys-
tem’,’ have made it clear that food production in this
country is extremely energy-intensive, and that the
U.S. food system is reaching the point at which further
investments of energy-intensive technology may pro-
duce only marginal increments in output. Notably ab-
sent from such analyses, however, is an evaluation of
the extent, nature, and effects of food waste. No doubt
some waste of food is inevitable in any system of pro-
duction, distribution, and consumption, but little is
known about how much waste of food takes place,
why, or how much might be avoided.

Food waste in the field and in storage and trans-
portation has been recognized as a significant factor in
affecting the availability of food supplies.’ It has been
estimated that up to 40% of the total grain crop in some
areas of the developing world may be lost through
spoilage or other damage in the field, in storage, and in
handling and processing. Opinion varies as to the po-
tential for reducing such losses.4

Food waste at the household or consumer level has
been studied even less. The fact that household food
waste in industrialized countries is substantial has
been often remarked upon but seldom documented.
The U.S. Department of Agriculture, which conducts
household food consumption surveys in the United
States, has long recognized the need for reliable data on
food waste. In the late 1950s, USDA undertook some
studies of household food waste using records of
weighed food waste kept by volunteer respondents.-‘
These studies utilized small, nonrepresentative sam-
ples, and the authors noted that the behavior of the re-
spondents was changed by participation in the study.
Even so, caloric loss from waste of household food
supplies in these studies ranged from 7 to 10% of total
calories.’

A problem in studying food waste is that the con-
cept of waste is fraught with moral implications in our
culture. Few Americans like to admit that they unnec-
essarily waste food, and mere participation in a study
of waste behavior is sure to bias results. What is
needed, then, is a nonreactive measure—a means of
estimating food waste which does not affect the be-
havior of the subjects! We propose that the methods of
archaeology may be useful in this context.

HOUSEHOLD REFUSE AS A NONREACTIVE
MEASURE OF BEHAVIOR

The Garbage Project of the University of Arizona has
been studying household refuse in Tucson, Ariz., for
two years. The project is archaeological in background,
theory, and method. Archaeologists have traditionally
studied refuse and the remains of material culture in
order to make inferences about ancient civilizations—
their ways of life, social structures, and utilization of
the environment. The Garbage Project is based on the
assumption that the methods and theory of archaeol-
ogy may offer useful perspectives for dealing with con-
temporary problems of resource utilization.’

The project is accumulating data on a wide variety
of resource management behaviors including recycling
behavior and purchase of food, drugs, household and
personal sanitation items, and other consumables. As a
method for studying food utilization patterns and
waste behavior, the study of household refuse offers
two significant advantages.

First, it is a nonreactive measure of behavior. What
goes into the trash can is evidence of behavior which
has already occurred. It is the evidence of what people
did, not what they think they did, what they think they
should have done, or what they think the interviewer
thinks they should have done. In this way, the study of
household refuse differs from accepted methods of col-
lecting data on household-level food consumption pat-
terns,9″0 all of which suffer from problems of reactiv-
ity—distortion of the behavior itself or the recall of the
behavior.

The study of household refuse has its own, but dif-
ferent, limitations as a measure of food utilization pat-
terns. In no way can the evidence of food input to the
household, as reflected by packaging or other items in
the garbage, be used as a measure of nutritional ade-
quacy or of quantitative consumption of food by the in-
dividual household. Garbage disposals, meals eaten
away from home, feeding of leftover food to household
pets, fireplaces, compost piles, and recycling of con-
tainers all introduce biases into the data acquired from
the trash can. However, these biases all operate in one
direction—they decrease the amount of refuse. Thus
garbage data can confidently be interpreted as repre-
senting minimum levels of household food utilization
and waste. On this basis, population segments can be
compared and changes over time observed.

A second major advantage to the study of house-
hold refuse is that it is inexpensive, relatively easy to
do, and requires no time or active cooperation on the
part of the subjects. The logistics of a study of house-
hold refuse should not be minimized (The Garbage
Project requires the efforts of a full-time field supervi-

110

FOOD WASTE BEHAVIOR IN AN URBAN POPULATION 111

sor, even at present sample size), but compared to
other methods of monitoring food consumption and
nutritional behavior, to which the study of refuse may
offer a supplement, the study of household refuse is
relatively simple. Data collection can be accomplished
by workers with relatively little previous training; and
there is little need for special equipment or facilities.
This is a major departure from traditional epidemio-
logical methods which usually demand a high level of
subject input)’ As a result, household refuse may be
studied in a community on an ongoing basis or at fre-
quent intervals in order to detect short-range changes
in food utilization behavior.

METHODOLOGY

The Sample

The city of Tucson is an urban community of slightly
under 450,000 inhabitants located in southern Arizona.
It is characterized by rapid growth in population. The
two major ethnic groups are Anglos (whites) and
Mexican-Americans, with the latter comprising 27.1
percent of the population in 1973; the proportion of el-
derly individuals is relatively high, with 12% of the
population aged 65 or over. 12

The sampling unit for The Garbage Project was the
census tract. Tucson’s 66 urban census tracts were
grouped into seven clusters derived from 1970 federal
census demographic and housing characteristics. Fac-
tor analysis was used to derive groups of significantly
associated census variables, and cluster analysis was
then used to order census tracts into clusters based on
their association with these derived factors of census
variables.” Data from 13 census tracts in 1973 and 19 in
1974, drawn to be representative of the seven census
tract clusters identified by statistical analysis of the
data, form the basis for this report.

Data Collection

Refuse was collected for the project by Tucson Sanita-
tion Department personnel from two randomly se-
lected households within each sample census tract, bi-
weekly in 1973 and weekly in 1974. Refuse was
collected for a four-month period (February through
May) in 1973 again for the same period in 1974. Ad-
dresses were not recorded, in order to protect the pri-
vacy and anonymity of sampled households. Specific
households were not followed over time; that is, a new
random selection of households was done each time
refuse was collected. Data from all collections in a

given census tract were pooled; thus data analysis is
based on the census tract as the unit sampled. Total
refuse studied includes the equivalent of that from 222
households in 1973 and 350 in 1974. Households were
not informed that their garbage was being studied,
although there was local newspaper, radio, and tele-
vision publicity on the project at frequent intervals
with emphasis on procedures taken to protect the
anonymity of sampled households. Thus far commu-
nity reaction to the project has been overwhelmingly
supportive.

Fifty student volunteers sorted, coded, and re-
corded the items in the refuse working at tables pro-
vided in the Sanitation Department maintenance yard.
After sorting and recording, all items in the refuse
were returned to the Sanitation Department for de-
posit in the sanitary landfill. While the students were
not paid for their participation in the project, they had
the option of receiving academic credit for archaeolog-
ical field experience, since they gained experience with
the methods and theory of field archaeology while
working on the project. Student workers were pro-
vided with lab coats, surgical masks, and gloves, and
were given appropriate immunizations. In almost
three years of the project’s operation, there have been
no illnesses attributable to garbage work.

Items found in the refuse were sorted into 133 cat-
egories of food, drugs, personal and household sanita-
tion products, amusement and entertainment items,
communications, and pet-related materials. For each
item, the following information was recorded onto
precoded forms: Item code; type (e.g., “ground chuck”
as a type of “beef”); weight, as derived from labeling;
cost; material composition of the container; brand; and
weight of any waste. Fifty-two of the category codes
referred to food items.

Waste was defined as any once-edible food item
except for chunks of meat fat. Bone was not included,
nor were eggshells, banana or citrus peel, or other
plant parts not usually deemed edible. Food waste was
further classified into two categories: straight waste of a
significant quantity of an item (for example, a whole
uncooked steak, half a loaf of bread, several tortillas),
and plate scrapings, which represent edible food but
which occur in quantities of less than one ounce or are
the unidentifiable remains of cooked dishes. Potato
peels were classified separately, and are not included
in “straight waste” for purposes of this paper. It is our
guess (yet to be investigated) that “straight waste”
may be more susceptible to directed change than is the
type of waste we have classified as “plate scrapings.”

For purposes of this report, the total weight of a
given food item coming into sampled households, as de-
rived from labeling on associated packaging materials

112 ARCHAEOLOGY

which are discarded into the trash can, is termed
“input” of that food item. It must be kept in mind that
these “input” figures are minimal, and their deviation
from actual household food utilization of a type of
food item is variable depending on the characteristics
of the given households sampled.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

The following data summarize the evidence of food
utilization and waste patterns for the entire sample for
the time period specified. (Analysis of the data accord-
ing to the socioeconomic characteristics of the individ-
ual census tracts is presented elsewhere. 14)

1. The refuse analyzed showed that sampled
households waste a significant proportion of
their food resources. In 1973, 9.7% of the total
food input, by weight, was wasted; in 1974,
8.9% was wasted. (The downward trend was
not statistically significant.) Actual waste, of
course, was higher since 21.3% of the house-
holds in sampled census tracts have garbage
disposals in good working order” and probably
grind up a great deal of their food waste. We are
currently undertaking a study which will allow
us to estimate the effect of differential use of
garbage disposals on the food waste found in
garbage cans. These data on waste do not in-
clude milk or other beverages, since beverage
waste usually goes down the drain; thus,
weight of beverages including milk was elimi-
nated from the input figures for calculation of
the above percentages.

2. In 1973, straight waste accounted for 55.3%
of the food waste and in 1974 it totaled 60.6%.
(The change is statistically significant at
p <.001 using the difference-of-proportions
test described by Blalock.15) Thus although
the percentage of total food wasted remained
stable from 1973 to 1974, the percentage of
straight waste versus “plate scrapings” in-
creased significantly.

3. There were some changes between 1973 and
1974 in evidence of utilization and waste of spe-
cific food groups (see Tables 1 and 2). The total
input of meat, poultry, and fish was signifi-
cantly smaller in 1974 than in 1973 (normalized
to the same sample size). The percentage of
these animal protein foods which was wasted
(total waste/ total evidence of input, by weight)
showed a sharp and statistically significant
drop from 12% in 1973 to less than 4% in 1974,
mainly due to a decline in the rate of waste of

beef from 9% in 1973 to 3% in 1974. We find this
interesting for two reasons. One is that the high
9% waste of beef occurred during the beef
shortage in the spring of 1973. It is possible that
during the shortage consumers were overbuy-
ing or purchasing unfamiliar cuts or quantities
which could not be used efficiently. The change
in beef waste is also interesting since there was
front-page local newspaper coverage of The
Garbage Project, reporting the high level of beef
waste (and only beef was mentioned) just at the
start of the 1974 data collection period. We
don’t know whether the publicity had any ef-
fect on waste behavior but believe that con-
trolled investigations should be carried out to
determine whether heightened awareness of
waste behavior could have any effect on actual
behavior.

Vegetable input decreased between 1973
and 1974 (again, normalized to the same sam-
ple size), but vegetable and fruit waste in-
creased. Waste of fresh vegetables accounted
for most of the increase. In both years, vegetable
and fruit waste made up a larger percentage of
straight waste than of the evidence of house-
hold input of food. Input of grain products in-
creased from 1973 to 1974, but proportional
waste of grain products decreased. In both
years, grain products made up a larger percent-
age of straight waste than of evidence of house-
hold input, the waste being for the most part
due to waste of bread.

Sweets and packaged foods in both years
made up a smaller percentage of straight waste

Table 1 ITEM PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL HOUSEHOLD
INPUT EVIDENCE AND WASTE

Item

1973 1974
%of
total
input

evidence

%of
waste-

excluding
leftovers

%of
total
input

evidence

%of
waste-

excluding
leftovers

Selected
protein
foods* 19.56 21.74 18.50 11.84

Vegetables 24.40 34.77 19.85 38.62
Fruits 13.64 14.25 15.26 17.26
Grain

products 11.23 14.68 14.8 15.8
Packaged

goods 4.53 4.28 7.41 5.89
Sugar and

sweets 10.10 5.74 9.72 6.55
Other 16.54 4.64 14.46 14.04

* Meat, fish, poultry, eggs, cheese, and nuts.

Table 2 PERCENT OF FOOD ITEMS WASTED’

Percent of
item wasted

Item 1973 1974

Selected protein foods (meat, fish, poultry,
cheese, and nuts) 12.09

344**

Vegetables
Fruits

7.65
5.61

10.47**
6.09**

Grain products (excluding pies, cakes, and
other sweet pastries) 7.02 5.73

Packaged foods (TV dinners, take-out meals,
packaged soups, stews, and sauces) 4.96 4.28

Baby foods 3.01 2.42

Fats and oils 1.39 1.08
Dairy (excluding liquid milk) .92 .73

Spices .77 4.49
Dips, whips 4.07 1.54
Sugar and sweets (including sweet pastries) 3.04 3.63

* Waste (weight) as percent of total input (weight).
** Significantly different from 1973 value at p <.05.

FOOD WASTE BEHAVIOR IN AN URBAN POPULATION 113

than of household input. Perhaps the most re-
markable change in input occurred in packaged
and convenience foods: TV dinners, take-out
meals, canned stews, soups, and sauces. Evi-
dence of household input of these items in-
creased by over 30% between 1973 and 1974.
The only explanation we can offer is to point
out that the percentage of households in Ari-
zona in which two persons held jobs increased
sharply in the same period from 14% in No-
vember 1973 to 21% in March 1974. With more
households with two adults in the labor force,
the consumption of convenience foods might
be expected to rise.

4. The cost of the food waste we observed is high.
Extrapolating average household waste (total
food waste, divided by the number of house-
hold equivalents in the sample) over a full year
and figuring at June 1974 prices, Tucson’s an-
nual food waste bill may run between 9 and
11 million dollars. For an average household
over a year, the cost of waste was between $80
and $100 of edible food (see Table 3). The
biggest contributors to the cost of waste were
beef and other meats (in spite of the decline in
waste, beef waste is expensive), cheese, fresh
vegetables and fruits, take-out meals, bread,
and pastry.

Extrapolating from our data to the esti-
mated 110,000 households in Tucson, we esti-
mate that Tucson was likely to throw out 9,538
tons of edible food in 1974. It may be easier to
grasp the significance of this waste if we focus

on one item. The average sample household
threw away 1.5 ounces of meat, fish or poultry
(straight waste) in each garbage collection. That
comes to 5.1 tons each time the garbage is col-
lected in Tucson, which is twice a week. Using
1965 USDA data, we can estimate that a two-
person urban household may consume about
9.4 pounds of meat, poultry, and fish each
week. 16 Tucson’s waste in one week would pro-
vide a week’s worth of meat, poultry or fish for
over 2000 such households or a year’s worth for
42 two-person households.

5. The quantitative estimates of food input to
households derived from packaging materials
in the garbage are similar to the quantitative es-
timates of food consumption for similar house-
holds achieved by the USDA household food
consumption surveys. 16 If we extrapolate for a
year from the evidence of food input by weight
in the average Garbage Project sample house-
hold, we estimate that the food input in our
sample averaged 1.069 tons of food per house-
hold in 1973 and .9763 ton in 1974. The median
household size in the census tracts in our sam-
ple is two persons. 12 If we add together the
quantitative estimates for all food categories for
the two-person urban household in the Spring,

Table 3 AN EXTRAPOLATION OF THE COST OF
WASTE/HOUSEHOLD/YEAR’

1973 1974

Beef $20.80 $ 5.20
Other meat 4.58 5.10
Poultry 1.98 1.45
Cheese 3.11 3.86
Fresh vegetables 11.32 12.06
Canned vegetables 1.80 1.25
Frozen vegetables 1.29 .95
Fresh fruit 6.18 7.34
TV dinners .82 1.01
Take-out meals 4.68 7.90
Soups. stews, etc. .39 .31
Bread 5.12 4.21
Noodles .24 1.58
Chips, crackers 1.54 1.28
Candy 1.36 .81
Pastry 5.93 6.83
Baby food .50 .27
Potato peels 2.18 .92

Total $73.82 $62.33
Total with plate scrapings: 99.14 82.91

Plate scrapings at 340/lb. 25.31 20.58

Calculated by multiplying average quantities wasted per garbage
pickup times the number of pickups a year (104) times current (7 June
1974) averaged Tucson prices.

114

ARCHAEOLOGY

Table 4 PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL HOUSEHOLD
FOOD INPUT

Food groups as
percent of

household food
consumption

by weight, USDA,
urban households

Spring 1965

Food groups
as percent of
total evidence
for food input,
by weight,
Garbage
Project

1973 1974

Selected protein
foods

26.1

19.6 18.5

Vegetables

25.3

24.4 19.8

Fruits

18.3

13.6 15.3

Grain

11.6

11.2 14.8

Sugar and
sweets

6.0 10.1 9.7

* Meat, fish, poultry, eggs, cheese, and nuts.

1965 USDA household food consumption sur-
vey,” we get a total of .9752 ton of food-ex-
tremely close to the estimates obtained in our
sample by observation of household refuse.

Although the categories of food are not
strictly comparable mall details, it is interesting
to compare Garbage Project data for the two
years with the percentage of total household
food consumption obtained in the 1965 USDA
survey for urban households” (see Table 4). To
the extent that the comparison can be made, it
appears that people in Tucson in 1973 and 1974
were consuming somewhat less of some animal
protein foods, less fruit, and more gram prod-
ucts, sweets, and fats and oils than the USDA
sample was in 1965. The overall similarity of
the food input pattern shown in Table 4 with
the independent USDA household food con-
sumption data is an encouraging indication of
the validity of refuse data as an index .of food
utilization patterns on the community level.

CONCLUSIONS

These preliminary data show that the study of house-
hold refuse offers a simple, inexpensive, and nonreac-
five means of monitoring food utilization and waste
behavior on the community level. The data accumu-

lated to date clearly indicate that food waste is a sig-
nificant factor in food resource utilization and should
be seriously considered by nutrition planners and
educators.

REFERENCES

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2. Steinhart, J. S., and Steinhart, C. E. 1974. Energy use in
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Health Association, New Orleans, La., Oct. 21, 1974
(unpublished).

15. Blalock, H. M. 1960. Social Statistics. New York:
McGraw-Hill.

16. Dietary Levels of Households in the United States, Spring,
1965: Household Food Consumption Survey, 1965-1966, Re-
port No. 6, USDA/ARS, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Depart-
ment of Agriculture.

Sociology homework help

Duke World Food Policy Center 1

Research Brief
September 2020

Identifying and Countering
White Supremacy Culture in
Food Systems

Author: Alison Conrad, MPP
Correspondence: Jennifer Zuckerman, jennifer.zuckerman@duke.edu

Whiteness dominates policy and practice in food systems.
Whiteness permeates the food system in the ways it “articulate(s)
white ideals of health and nutrition, offer(s) whitened dreams of
farming and gardening that erase the past and present of race
in agriculture, mobilize(s) funding to direct programming toward
non-white beneficiaries, and create(s) inviting spaces for white
people.”1 Whiteness helps perpetuate “existing structures of power
and privilege within food spaces,” enabling white activists and
organizations to assume their ideals and emotions are shared by
all.”2 Whiteness is an unnamed presence that shapes the discourse
and focus of food system reform.3 Consequently, many historically
white-led organizations find that their policies and programs fail
to resonate with Black, Indigenous, People of Color (BIPOC)
communities.

As a result of whiteness, white supremacy culture narratives function
to reinforce systemic inequity across the food system in the United
States. This paper identifies eight messages from food insecurity
policies and practice stemming from broader white supremacy
culture and whiteness.

This research centered on the question: How does white supremacy
culture play out in the food insecurity and food access space in
the United States? To become anti-racist, food system actors must
understand how white supremacy culture narratives function to
center whiteness across the food system, effectively reinforcing
systemic racial inequality and by extension disadvantaging BIPOC
people. We discuss how whiteness holds white ideals as universal,
how whiteness fuels power in decision-making, and how whiteness
defines foods as either good or bad.

Project methodology included document and literature review,
seven interviews with leaders and members of food justice, food
sovereignty, and anti-hunger organizations, and qualitative analysis
to identify themes and findings.

2 Research Brief

Whiteness

Whiteness is a “powerful social construction with very
real, tangible, violent effects.”4 Whiteness is not just
a reference to skin color, but is an ideology “based
on beliefs, values, behaviors, habits and attitudes,
which result in the unequal distribution of power
and privilege based on skin color.”5 Whiteness is
often invisible to those who benefit from it, but has
immense power: “The power of whiteness, however,
is manifested by the ways in which racialized
whiteness becomes transformed into social, political,
economic, and cultural behaviour. White culture,
norms, and values in all these areas become
normative natural. They become the standard against
which all other cultures, groups, and individuals are
measured and usually found to be inferior.”6

White Supremacy Culture

White supremacy culture is the “idea (ideology) that
white people and the ideas, thoughts, beliefs, and
actions of white people are [inherently] superior to
People of Color and their ideas, thoughts, beliefs,
and actions.”7 It “justifies and binds together the
United States white supremacy system” and is
“reproduced by all the institutions of our society.”8
White supremacy culture is “powerful precisely
because it is so present and at the same time so
very difficult to name or identify.”9 Society holds
characteristics of white supremacy culture as the
norms and standards, promoting white supremacy
thinking. As a result, attitudes and behaviors
stemming from white supremacy culture can be found
in any individual, group, or organization, whether it is
white-led or predominantly white-led, BIPOC-led, or
has a predominantly BIPOC staff.10

BIPOC

BIPOC stands for “Black, Indigenous, People of
Color.” The term is “meant to unite all people of
color in the work for liberation while intentionally
acknowledging that not all people of color face the
same levels of injustice.”11 The BIPOC term separates
Black and Indigenous individuals from People of
Color in the United States to recognize that “Black
and Indigenous people face the worst consequences
of systemic white supremacy, classism and settler
colonialism.”12

Anti-Racism

Anti-racism is the “work of actively opposing racism
by advocating for changes in political, economic,
and social life.”13 It starts at the individual level,
with individuals working against their own or other’s
racist behaviors and impacts. It can also be at the
organizational level, with organizations reevaluating
internal policies and processes to be explicitly anti-
racist, as well as organizations working to counteract
racist behaviors and cultures in the systems in which
the organization operates and actively seeks to de-
center whiteness and shift power within the system.

Racial Equity

Racial equity is the “condition that would be
achieved if one’s racial identity no longer predicted,
in a statistical sense, how one fares.”14 Racial
equity is a component of racial justice and involves
“work to address root causes of inequities not just
their manifestation,” including the “elimination of
policies, practices, attitudes and cultural messages
that reinforce differential outcomes by race or fail to
eliminate them.”15

Structural Racism

Structural racism is the most pervasive form of
racism and basis for all other forms of racism
(internalized, institutional, interpersonal, etc.). It is
the “normalization and legitimization of an array
of dynamics – historical, cultural, institutional and
interpersonal – that routinely advantage whites
while producing cumulative and chronic adverse
outcomes for people of color.”16 Furthermore,
structural racism “encompasses the entire system of
white domination, diffused and infused in all aspects
of society including its history, culture, politics,
economics and entire social fabric.”17 It is not easy
to locate within any one institution because “it
involves the reinforcing effects of multiple institutions
and cultural norms, past and present, continually
reproducing old and producing new forms of
racism.”18

For a more comprehensive list of definitions,
visit https://www.racialequitytools.org/glossary
and https://www.showingupforracialjustice.org/
white-supremacy-culture.html.

Duke World Food Policy Center 3

White supremacy culture is inherent in the way individuals, organizations, and governments
discuss the food system and in what ideals the same groups uphold as normative. Some white
supremacy culture narratives include defensiveness, perfectionism, “only one right way” thinking,
and quantity over quality.19 All these narratives create oppressive cultures in organizations,
perpetuating white supremacy and feeding into systems that hold whiteness and white ideals as
the default. White supremacy culture and whiteness are pervasive across systems, including the
food system. As such, broader white supremacy culture narratives show up in food policies and
programs, as detailed below.

Individualism

Individualism stresses the needs of the
individual over the needs of the group as a
whole. Individualism emphasizes that people
should be able to solve problems or accomplish
goals on their own. In the food space,
individualism translates to a focus on helping
individuals who have fallen on hard times over
structural issues contributing to food insecurity
and hunger.62

Paternalism

Paternalism involves interfering in an individual’s
or community’s ability or opportunity to choose
and make decisions. It has the objective of
improving welfare of individuals or communities
and involves making decisions without the
consent of the individuals or communities
concerned. In the food space, paternalism
focuses on the belief that BIPOC communities
cannot take care of themselves and need
solutions prescribed to them.63,64

Universalism

Universalism assumes that values held by
whites are normal and widely shared, meaning
ideals are grounded in whitened cultural
practices. Universalism results in a lack of
resonance of these universal ideals and
marginalization of those who do not conform to
the ideals. Furthermore, it creates a narrative
that the non-conforming must be educated on
the ideals.67 In the food space, universalism
means whiteness fuels and dominates the
conversation on how and why the food system
should be reformed, with organizations building
projects and programming around their whitened
assumptions.68 As a result, food spaces are
“shaped by a set of white cultural practices” that
“can inhibit the participation of people of color
in alternative food systems, and can constrain
the ability of those food systems to meaningfully
address inequality.”69

Neoliberalism

Neoliberalism is an ideology and policy model
that emphasizes replacing entitlements with
market-based solutions to social problems and
places value on free market competition. In the
food space, neoliberalism is rooted in American
ideals of personal responsibility and hard work
as the solution to hunger and that it is the
responsibility of communities to care for those in
need, not government.65,66

Identifying and Countering White Supremacy Culture in Food Systems

4 Research Brief

EXAMPLE

White supremacy culture narratives show up in many forms and exist throughout policy, programming,
and practice. They permeate how we talk about issues in the food system, in campaigns for food
system reform, and in the day-to-day operations of many organizations. This research brief provides an
introduction as to how white supremacy culture narratives play out specifically in the food system.

Figure 1: Intersection of White Supremacy Culture Narratives and Food System Narratives

“If they only knew” focuses on lack of understanding on the part of the individual and need for education, such
as healthy food and cooking classes, as opposed to structural problems, such as inequities in food access
and affordability and economic drivers of food insecurity.20 This narrative is an example of individualism,
boiling down issues of healthy eating to individual behavior choices, as well as an example of paternalism,
assuming that the decision maker or organization knows more or better than the individual.21,22 “If they only
knew” also reflects the white supremacy narrative of universalism because the organization/decision maker
gets to determine what is “good food,” which is often steeped in whiteness and ignores non-white cultural
influences on food.

Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program Education (SNAP-Ed). SNAP-Ed is a
program aimed at helping “people lead healthier lives” through teaching “people using
or eligible for SNAP about good nutrition and how to make their food dollars stretch
further.”23 It also teaches participants about physical activity. These types of programs
focus on nutrition education as the way to become healthier, disregarding knowledge
participants might already have and avoiding focusing on larger structural forces that can
impact healthy behaviors.24,25

Duke World Food Policy Center 5

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EXAMPLE

EXAMPLE

Identifying and Countering White Supremacy Culture in Food Systems

[Education puts] the focus on the people who live in these [food desert]
neighborhoods and not on the systems that have impacted the people who live

in these neighborhoods.
– Leader of a food sovereignty organization26

“Vote with your fork” is the belief that your consumption will signal your values in the food system. This ignores
structural forces dictating who can access and afford foods and what foods are upheld as “ideal” or “good.”
This narrative is steeped in individualism and neoliberalism, focusing on individual actions and consumption in
the market as the way to signal preferences for healthier, more sustainable food and force companies to shift
practices.27

In the last 10-20 years, environmental and agricultural sustainability campaigns
have driven the idea of “eating for change” and “voting with your fork.”28 The focus of
these campaigns has the intent of addressing structural issues, such as dismantling
factory farming and industrial meat production, ending the exploitation of labor, and
reducing meat consumption. However, “vote with your fork” leaves out individuals and
communities without purchasing power to “participate” in agricultural sustainability
campaigns that rely on individual acts of consumption.29 It reinforces the idea that
environmental sustainability is only valued and shown through individual purchases,
and those that are not purchasing, must not believe in eating consciously, locally, and
ethically.

The notion that the food system can be transformed through individual
acts of consumption—rather than through lobbying, organizing, boycotts,
mobilization, or direct action—fits nicely within the prevailing neoliberal

economic rhetoric: that unregulated capitalist markets yield the most efficient
allocation of resources.

– Eric Holt-Giménez and Yi Wang, 201130

“Communities can’t take care of themselves” is a paternalistic, societal narrative that communities and
individuals—especially BIPOC individuals and individuals living in low-income neighborhoods—cannot take
care of themselves and therefore are lazy, undeserving, and need to be helped.31 It is based in negative
racial and class stereotypes and reinforces inequitable power dynamics in the food system, with outside
organizations and decisionmakers coming into BIPOC and low-income communities and deciding what is best
for them. In the food space, this narrative reproduces inequitable power dynamics, centering the conversation
around white ideals for solving issues in the food system. As a result, the narrative renders racial histories
invisible and ignores structural inequalities driving food insecurity in BIPOC and low-income communities.32

Mobile produce markets. Mobile produce markets are initiatives aimed at addressing
“food deserts” by bringing fresh produce into communities via a van, or mobile market.
However, such projects often involve white-led institutions coming into communities
that are predominantly BIPOC, low-income, or both. As a result, institutions come into
communities to solve the “food desert” issue, with philanthropy and funders providing the
money to white-led institutions instead of directly investing in communities or funding

6 Research Brief

EXAMPLE



projects led by BIPOC community members, creating a power imbalance in funding and
decision making. White-led institutions are granted the funding to “solve” community
issues, directly supporting the salaries and infrastructure of white led non-profits instead
of investing directly in the community.33 Consequently, mobile produce markets can
advocate for improved access to affordable, fresh, and healthy foods, but they take a
paternalistic approach by disregarding community assets and opportunities to support
community ownership of food security initiatives.

[People believe that] the Black community is deficient and at risk and can
only survive by the donations and benevolence of white-led corporations and

nonprofits and even government entities and municipalities.
– Leader of a food sovereignty organization34

“Failure to listen” occurs when organizations do not trust or listen to the BIPOC communities they aim to serve
and ignore the community’s ability and power to self-determine solutions for themselves. This narrative is a
result of paternalism, in which the organization coming into the community assumes they know better than
community members and thus prescribes solutions for them. It also reflects universalism, assuming BIPOC
communities are monolithic and that all BIPOC people would want “best practice” solutions determined
by predominantly white institutions with predominantly white cultural framing. A failure to listen can result
from inequitable power dynamics, with organizations and governments leaving BIPOC and low-income
communities out of conversations on food movements, policy creation, and decision making.35,36,37 For
example, a review of 13 community food organizations in the Northeast found that: 84 percent of leadership
positions were held by white persons and only 11 percent of board members were people of color.38 Because
organizations lack the representation of BIPOC communities where food system’s work occurs, voices of
BIPOC individuals and communities “remain almost invisible” in the work.39

Video – “Food insecurity proposal causes frustration on Indy’s northeast side.”40 Food
insecurity and “food deserts” (a misnomer, more accurately reflected as “food apartheid”41
acknowledging the systemic disinvestment in a specific area) are major issues across
the country, with many state and local governments trying to figure out how to better
connect residents with healthy, affordable foods. However, as shown in the video, local
governments failed to acknowledge the community-led solution to food access that was
already in place in northeast Indianapolis. As opposed to listening to the community and
investing in community assets, the local government proposed solutions that extract
wealth from the neighborhood, taking community dollars to other areas of the city.

The issue of participation is often raised, framed as something that can be
remedied by conducting “outreach” or building a more “inclusive” project that
better engages local residents. In this article I argue that efforts for “inclusion”
in community food projects will continue to struggle to build participation in
communities of color if they do not shift the power structures that exist within

the organization itself.
— Margaret Marietta Ramirez, 201542

Duke World Food Policy Center 7

EXAMPLE

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Identifying and Countering White Supremacy Culture in Food Systems

A “build it and they’ll come” approach focuses on establishing a food retail venue as the solution to food
issues and centers the conversation solely on food access, rather than on structural causes of food access
issues.43,44 This narrative is an example of paternalism, where organizations and/or governments attempt to
bring in large, corporate food businesses rather than investing in existing, local avenues of food procurement
and wealth building. Furthermore, communities are often not given the opportunity to weigh in on what
food retail they would like, creating a power imbalance in decision making. As a result, extractive policies,
such as tax breaks to large, corporate, food retailers to incentivize supermarket placement, are imposed on
communities and local solutions are disregarded and inadequately invested in.

Healthy Food Financing Initiative (HFFI). HFFI was based on successful state-based
food financing initiatives that focus on supermarket access as the determinant for food
access and subsequent purchases of healthy foods. HFFI continues to frame “food
deserts” in terms of spatial distance to supermarkets and food access as the major
determinant of healthy eating and health outcomes. However, research shows that
opening supermarkets in “food deserts” does not result in people buying healthier
foods.45

…interest in food enterprises and projects has more recently been used to
distance many communities from their power, becoming instead a trend
to be capitalized on, with public and private investments in grocery store

development, vertical farming, meal delivery kits, or commercial shared-use
kitchens – projects with many positive outcomes but that can often exclude low-
income residents, are imposed on communities with little input, and contribute

to land loss and gentrification, and loss of community identity and cohesion.
—EFOD Collaborative, 201946

“Pull yourself up by your bootstraps” is rooted in the belief that people need to take personal responsibility and
work harder to get out of hunger and poverty. It is a classic neoliberal narrative, pathologizing the individual,
highlighting the exceptional individuals who succeed in spite of “the odds” and focusing on individual behavior
and work ethic as keys to economic prosperity. This narrative dismisses structural and institutional barriers47,48
to economic advancement that systemically disadvantage predominantly BIPOC people and communities.

Personal Responsibility and Work Reconciliation Act of 1996. The Act, signed by
President Clinton, substantially reformed welfare in the United State, in an attempt
to “end the dependence of needy parents on government benefits by promoting job
preparation, work, and marriage.”49 As noted by the name, the Act emphasized a
narrative of personal responsibility and working hard as the solutions to poverty and to
shrink reliance on the government by “needy parents.”

8 Research Brief

EXAMPLE

“ “

Since the 1990s, policymakers have been selling the “bootstraps” myth
that if poor people go to work, they can escape poverty. The reality is
that women who left welfare for low-wage work in the 1990s found

little relief from the grinding poverty they had known when they were
on assistance…Tying welfare benefits like cash and food assistance to
an obligation to work will always produce hunger and poverty in the

absence of a commitment to full employment.
— Maggie Dickinson and Megan A. Carney, 201950

Charity solutions to hunger are rooted in the idea that hunger is an individual responsibility issue and
therefore the solution to hunger is providing food. Alternately, a food justice approach would address the
structural reasons that created a system where significant hunger is so prevalent.51,52 This narrative fits
under the broader idea of neoliberalism which led to the dismantling of federal food assistance programs
and proliferation of food banks. It also has elements of individualism, as food charity provides food on an
individual/household level rather than addressing poverty or other root causes of hunger.

Since the inception of food assistance programs, political narratives around the
deservingness of the poor for government assistance have plagued the programs,
especially in regards to SNAP.53 SNAP has been under near constant attack, with
politicians and governments attempting to restrict access through stringent work
requirements and eligibility criteria. Such efforts increase the difficulty for households to
enroll and stay enrolled in SNAP. As the government enacts cuts to the social safety net,
the “moral responsibility to care for the most vulnerable among us is being transferred
from government to private charity,” as seen through the existence of over 60,500
emergency food providers in the United States.54 The shift from government to charity
has served to limit the solution to hunger to food distribution, instead of addressing
structural factors of hunger, such as poverty and economic inequality.55

Pathologizing language and imagery are used to pull at the heart strings
of citizens and to motivate charitable food donations. These stories portray

hunger as a significant problem that can be solved by individuals ‘doing good,’
when in reality, the hunger problem is far too vast to be solved by charity.

— Rebecca de Souza, 201956

White dominant culture determines which foods are “good” or “bad”, ignoring the cultural significance of
certain foods or insinuating that some foods are bad because of cultural or racial associations.57 The idea of
calling some foods good or bad is rooted in universalism. White dominant culture serves as the basis of the
“universal” ideals regarding what foods are “good” or “bad” for a healthy diet, removing culturally appropriate
foods from traditional diets. By attributing universal ideals about what is good or bad food, the whitened
cultural ideal of good food erases the cultural histories of non-white traditions and eating habits. Furthermore,
whiteness glosses over the historical context and racism related to changing eating patterns, ignoring how
colonialism and industrialism stripped away indigenous farming practices and foods and violently pushed
communities of color away from farming and agriculture by forcing them off their land.58

Duke World Food Policy Center 9

EXAMPLE

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Identifying and Countering White Supremacy Culture in Food Systems

Kale vs. collard greens. Kale and collard greens are nutritionally equivalent, but the white
dominant culture holds kale as a “good food,” while collards are “virtually absent from the
food discourse.”59 In contrast, the same culture associates collards with poor Southerners
and Black Americans and a negative, anti-black, and racist association of collards with
large amounts of pork lard and salt.60 Kale is seen as a “good food,” while the equally
nutritious collard greens are not, resulting in the removal of culturally appropriate foods
from the “good food” discourse.

…vast systems of white supremacy and colonial regimes of power and
knowledge have [led] to an erasure and devaluation of contributions of

indigenous people and cultures. Directions to ‘eat healthy’ commonly invoke the
Mediterranean Diet, for example. The cultural effect is that […] we are taught
the Greco-Roman diet in our food education, ignoring and erasing all other
models. Research has shown that when people embrace traditional diets of

non-European peoples—such as Native Hawaiian, rural South African, Tohono
O’odham, or Aboriginal Australian—their health improves.

– Catriona Rueda Esquibel, 201661

To work against white supremacy narratives, organizations must make explicit changes in operations,
policies, and practice. However, organizational shifts require individuals to do the internal work to recognize
and unwind white supremacy narratives within themselves. White supremacy narratives, racism, whiteness,
and microaggressions will still show up in your work and your organization without individual learning and
consistent attention. We offer the following questions and resources to begin your individual work in this space
or continue to expand your learning:

Research how racism, anti-blackness and white supremacy are built into the food system,
in particular in your local and community food system.
Ask yourself:

• What inequities exist in the food system? How do these impact food insecurity and hunger rates in
the United States?

• Whose labor and land was used to create the American agricultural system?
• What historical policies have contributed to food access, affordability, and insecurity issues in your

community?

Understand that “colorblindness” is not real—society and the food system are not race-
neutral spaces.
Ask yourself:

• What is the racial and class composition of the food spaces I frequent? Why are these spaces
dominated by certain groups?

• Who is repackaging non-white traditional and cultural food practices and earning money and
attention based on those practices?

10 Research Brief

Pay attention to how whiteness has influenced your experiences in the food system.
Ask yourself:

• How many grocery stores do you have access to in your community and who owns them?
• How hard is it for me to find and afford culturally appropriate foods at the grocery stores I do have

access to?
• How difficult would it be for me to get capital to start a food or agricultural business?

Think through who holds the decision-making power in the food system and who benefits
from the actions of those decision makers and institutions.
Ask yourself:

• Who sits in positions of power and leadership at your organization or at other food organizations?
How many BIPOC individuals are in these positions? How many are people from the community
you are seeking to help involved in co-creation of programming?

• Who most benefits from policy, programming, and capital decisions in the food space? Are these
benefits equitably distributed? Why or why not?

• When we make recommendations or best practices, whose best practices are we uplifting?

General Learning
What is Systemic Racism? Video Series by Race Forward
Thinking Critically about Racism, Whiteness, and Class by Showing Up for Racial Justice
Resource List from Racial Equity Tools
A History: The Construction of Race and Racism from Racial Equity Tools

Book Lists
The Anti-Racist Reading List by Ibram X. Kendi in The Atlantic
A Reading List For Learning About Anti-Black Racism and Food by Emily Johnson and the Editors of
Epicurious
A Food Justice Reading List from the University of California Press
22 Noteworthy Food and Farming Books for Summer Reading in 2018—and Beyond from Civil Eats

Books
Black Food Geographies: Race, Self-Reliance, and Food Access in Washington, D.C. by Ashanté M. Reese
Feeding the Other: Whiteness, Privilege, and Neoliberal Stigma in Food Pantries by Rebecca de Souza
Cultivating Food Justice: Race, Class, and Sustainability by Alison Hope Alkon and Julian Agyeman
Food Justice by Richard Gottlieb and Anupama Joshi

Reports
Applying a Racial Equity Lens to End Hunger by Marlysa Gamblin et al for the Bread for the World Institute
Closing the Grocery Store Gap in the Nation’s Capital report by DC Hunger Solutions
The US Farm Bill: Corporate Power and Structural Racialization in the US Food System by Hossein Ayazi and
Elsadig Elsheikh for the UC Berkeley Othering & Belonging Institute

Journalism
How the Rise of Supermarkets Left Out Black America by Nathaniel Meyersohn for CNN Business
Retail Redlining: One of the Most Pervasive Forms of Racism Left in America? by Emily Badger for
Bloomberg CityLab
How Black Communities Are Bridging the Food Access Gap by Nadra Nittle for Civil Eats
Want to See Food and Land Justice for Black Americans? Support These Groups by the Civil Eats Editors
Collards vs. Kale: Why Only One Supergreen Is a Superstar by Rebekah Kebede for National Geographic

Sociology homework help

‘I Just Don’t Want to Get Picked on
by Anybody’: Dynamics of Inclusion
and Exclusion in a Newly Multi-
Ethnic Irish Primary School

Dympna Devine* and
Mary Kelly
School of Education
and Lifelong Learning,
University College
Dublin, Dublin, Ireland

*Correspondence to: Dympna

Devine, School of Education and

Lifelong Learning, University

College Dublin, Belfield, Dublin

4, Ireland. E-mail:

dympna.devine@ucd.ie

Given the changing patterns of immigration in the Republic of Ire-

land in the past 10 years, this article considers how factors related

to ethnic and gender identity mediate children’s interaction with

one another in a newly multi-ethnic Irish primary school. Central

to the analysis is the exercise of power between children and how

the experience of inclusion and exclusion in peer relations is under-

pinned by concepts of sameness/difference that draw upon wider

discourses of ethnic and gender identity. Recommendations in rela-

tion to classroom and school practice are made with reference to

the need for teachers to take account of the complexity of children’s

social worlds and the dynamics of power and control that operate

within it. Copyright � 2006 The Author(s).

Introduction

The extent of social and economic change in Irish society in
the past 30 years has been unprecedented, culminating in
recent years in changed immigration patterns that include
substantial numbers of immigrants from outside the tradi-
tional Irish diaspora. Children, like adults, are part of this
changing social landscape. As their communities and schools
become increasingly diverse, they face challenges and oppor-
tunities in adjusting to this change. This article is based on
research conducted into the experience of ethnic diversity in
a primary school. Central to the analysis is how the experi-
ence of inclusion and exclusion in peer relations is under-
pinned by concepts of sameness/difference that draw upon
wider discourses of ethnic and cultural identity. The article
is structured into four parts. Part 1 presents a framework
within which children’s social relations in school can be
understood along two interlinking dimensions of inclusion/
exclusion and sameness/difference. Part 2 outlines the
methodology of the study while part 3 presents the findings
in terms of the contrasting yet inter-related dynamics of

CHILDREN & SOCIETY VOLUME 20 (2006) pp. 128–139
DOI:10.1111/j.1099-0860.2006.00020.x

� 2006 The Author(s)
Journal compilation � 2006 National Children’s Bureau

inclusion/exclusion and sameness/difference in children’s ethnic relations in Oakleaf
primary school. The concluding discussion considers the findings with reference to
policy and practice in Irish primary schools.

Ethnicity and children’s interaction in school

Research into children’s social worlds draws attention to the nature of children’s racial-
ised attitudes and the degree to which these influence both the manner and extent of
their interaction with one another in ethnically diverse classrooms (Connolly, 1998;
Holmes, 1995; Troyna and Hatcher, 1992; Van Ausdale and Feagin, 2001). The meanings
that children attach to their social relations with others can only be fully understood
within the context of child culture. Such a culture is characterised by both inclusionary
and exclusionary elements underpinned by a series of rules and regulations clearly
understood by children themselves. It is through these manoeuvres within friendships
that children explore not only the dynamics of interpersonal relationships but also their
own identities as they actively struggle for recognition, status and intimacy in the
rough and tumble of their school lives (Adler and Adler, 1998; Connolly, 2004; Corsaro,
2005; Deegan, 1996; Devine, 2003; Scott, 2003; Thorne, 1993; Troyna and Hatcher, 1992).
Children’s interaction is also deeply embedded in power matrices that are reflected in
the adult world. The dynamics of inclusion and exclusion are intertwined with con-
cepts of normality and otherness, the latter framed in the context of the norms and
expectations that structure social interaction within the society at large. With respect to
ethnic identity, assertions of Irish identity may revolve around being White, Catholic
and part of the settled community. Minority ethnic groups such as Travellers, Jews or
Black Irish are often considered outside this norm, with consequent implications for
their status within Irish society as a whole. Children, no less than adults, draw on these
discourses of difference, interpreting their interaction with others on the basis of their
perceived normality or otherness with respect to dominant norms.

Children’s interaction in school can be considered then along a continuum of two inter-
linking and contrasting dimensions related to inclusion and exclusion in friendship
patterns and the experience of difference (‘otherness’ and ‘sameness’) in their relation-
ship with one another in school. These dimensions are, in turn, influenced and
mediated by children’s ethnicity, gender, social class, dis/ability, age and sexuality. For
the purposes of this article, the main focus will be upon ethnicity and gender as varia-
bles of analysis. As Figure 1 indicates, a child can be positioned or position themselves
in any one of the quadrants in terms of their interaction. They may be different cultur-
ally but fully included in social interaction or alternatively they may be culturally
different and excluded from dominant patterns of peer relations within their classroom
setting.

Methodology of the study

The material for this paper draws on findings from a two-year qualitative study of
ethnicity and schooling (Devine and others, 2002; Kelly, 2003) in a sample of primary-
and secondary-level schools on the east coast of Ireland. Intensive case-study analysis
was conducted as part of the research into one of the primary schools, Oakleaf Primary,

Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion 129

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and this forms the data set for this article. Pseudonyms for teachers and children are
used throughout. This case study derives from repeated visits to the school over one
school year and involved interviews with the school principal (Mr Robinson), the two
language support teachers (Ms Macken and Ms Farrell), seven of the remaining 20
classroom teachers, and a selected sample of children (61 in total) drawn from Grade 2
(children aged 7–8 years) and Grade 5 (children aged 10–11 years). Interviews were
also conducted with a number of parents during an open day organised by the school
before Christmas. In conducting the research, clear ethical guidelines (Alderson and
Morrow, 2004; Fraser, 2004) were followed, given the sensitive nature of many of the
topics being dealt with. The analysis is also supplemented by observations of classroom
and schoolyard behaviours, sociometric analyses and the intensive analysis of chil-
dren’s interaction over one school year in one classroom.

Oakleaf Primary is a designated disadvantaged co-educational primary school with 304
pupils in a large urban centre on the outskirts of Dublin. Designated disadvantaged
status is granted to schools based on a number of predefined indicators of economic
and social disadvantage in the school community, including receipt of unemployment
benefit and access to free medical care. The school was built in 1985, since when chan-
ges to the area in the intervening period have brought with then greater social and
ethnic diversity, including the building of private houses as well as a Traveller halting
site. In the past six years, the school has seen a marked growth in the number of
minority ethnic children attending it, reflecting the broader pattern of unprecedented
immigration into Irish society (Central Statistics Office, 2004). Currently, over one-third
of the school population consists of minority ethnic children who come predominantly
from Eastern Europe, Africa and the Middle East. While the school is Roman Catholic
(a system of state-sponsored denominational schooling predominates in the Republic of
Ireland, particularly at primary level), the religious profile has changed dramatically in
recent years, with children from the Muslim community representing the second largest
grouping after Roman Catholics in the school.

The school benefits hugely from a highly committed principal (Mr Robinson) and the
placement of an experienced full-time teacher in the post of language support (Ms Macken)
and considerable effort has been put into the establishment of a fully resourced prefab

Figure 1. Dimensions of pupil social interaction and ethnicity in school

130 Dympna Devine and Mary Kelly

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building (funded by the DES after considerable negotiation) to provide support to newly
arrived migrant children. However, despite some level of awareness of the need for inter-
cultural practice, there was no stated anti-racism policy within the school. While teachers
were generally uncertain about the nature of the children’s social world, assumptions
about the inherent innocence of children’s interaction with one another was evident, typi-
fied in the comment by Ms Macken below:

From a child’s point of view there was one day, this was classic, during our health week
we had a massive Nigerian guy, coming in doing basketball skills and afterwards Dina said:
‘he’s black, I didn’t like him’ even though she is very black herself … it was all very inno-
cent. From a child’s point of view she looked on herself as like everybody else in the school,
or whatever. It was funny, it was good.

However, interviews and a more in-depth analysis of the children’s social world indica-
ted a more complex picture of the influence of ethnicity on their interaction patterns
that challenge the more innocent and paternalistic frame of reference illustrated in the
comments of Ms Macken above. In line with Figure 1, these will be discussed in the
context of being different, being the same and inclusion/exclusionary patterns among
the children in Oakleaf Primary.

Being different, being the same: perceptions of ethnic diversity in Oakleaf
Primary

In their discussions about minority ethnic children, themes of strangeness and differ-
ence emerged in the majority ethnic children’s accounts, such differences located as
deficiencies in the minority ethnic child. This is evident in the comments below by
children, who refer to the ‘other’ status of certain groups of minority ethnic children by
virtue of their cultural and linguistic difference:

Kate: Some Muslim people keep talking in Muslim and you wouldn’t know what they
are talking about … it’s weird.

Maura: Muslims are different.
Kate: They go on fast.
Jane: That means you are not allowed eat.
Kate: The Muslims they do fasts.
Maura: That’s all that’s wrong with them. (Grade 2 girls)

Laura: Americans are just like us, they’re real normal but Africans they’re just more
different. (Grade 4)

An anti-English bias was also prevalent in some children’s comments, with children
who had returned from England or who had parents who were English, singled out for
their difference, manifest primarily in their accents:

Donal: Mark gets called English bastard ’cos his mother is from England. (Grade 5)

Physical difference also emerged quite strongly in the children’s accounts especially
with reference to the colour of skin. For these children, skin colour was an important
marker of cultural/ethnic identity and in some instances it was suggested to be

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the basis for friendship formation, highlighting one aspect of sameness focused on by
children in their construction of friendships. In one interview, for example, children
spoke of the ease of a new child settling in if there were other ‘coloured’ children
present:

Patricia: Say one coloured person was in your class it would be really hard because
it’s just one coloured person. Say there’s three coloured people in their class,
’cause they’ve got coloured people to play with them.

Interviewer: But Anthony plays with all people.
Miranda: Yeah but John and Luke only play with one person. They like playing with

their own colour. (Grade 2 girls)

However, in the cut and thrust of pupil interaction, skin colour was also used as the
basis for name-calling as children drew attention to physical differences in attempting
to gain the upper hand with one another. In all the interviews, reference was made to
the prevalence of name-calling due to skin colour differences and the interview data
are replete with examples of derogatory names called on this basis (Devine and others,
2004). Such name-calling highlighted not only the significance of difference to chil-
dren’s interaction, but also the distinctions they drew between types of colour in their
assessment of difference. Naomie, a Muslim girl born in Ireland, recounted how she
experienced teasing following a return trip from Libya, because her skin colour had
changed:

Maya: Sometimes I heard a boy in our class: ‘I don’t like these girls because they’ve a
different language and a different colour’.

Naomie: I was really white. I was born here, but then I went on my summer holidays to
Libya and I got a tan, so when I came back I was a different colour and I was
teased because of that. (Grade 5 girls)

The comments of Sonya, a girl born in Somalia, indicate her experience of colour being
used as a discriminating factor in friendship by one of her peers:

Louise doesn’t like black people; she said it to my face. I was crushed. I’m not that black,
I’m tanned. Some of the people have blonde hair in Somalia. (Grade 5)

It is also worth noting, however, that sensitivity to differences related to colour and
ethnicity can be eliminated when common bonds are formed. In practice, this was
reflected in the level of inter-ethnic interaction which was visible in the schoolyard dur-
ing playtime, as well as in observations of children’s interaction in the classroom and
was borne out by the following comments made by a friend of Sonya:

It’s all about fitting in, like. When I look at Sonya, I don’t see a black person from some-
where else. I just see my friend. I don’t notice the colour of you.

While these children spoke of ethnic difference, especially colour, in negative terms,
there were also incidences during interviews where children recounted positive black
Irish role models, listing members of the Irish football team and singers such as Saman-
tha Mumba in this regard. Such models in themselves were then important contra-
indicators to the stereotypes children held regarding Irish identity and ‘otherness’.
While sensitivity to colour was an important marker of children’s perception of

132 Dympna Devine and Mary Kelly

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difference, prejudicial attitudes expressed by the children did not rest solely on the
basis of this difference. This is evident in the children’s comments on Travellers, a
minority ethnic Irish grouping whose difference does not lie in colour but predomin-
antly in culture and lifestyle:

Interviewer: Why are Traveller children picked on so much?
Martha: Because they don’t change their uniform, and they usually have scruffy nails

and face and ears.
Grainne: And they go around in track suit bottoms with hooker boots on and every-

thing. (Grade 2)

Children’s sensitivity to difference must be located within the general context of child
culture and the desire by children to fit in and be the same as their peers. It must also
be understood, however, within a broader cultural context in which Irishness is firmly
linked with particular traits (to include being white, settled and Catholic) and those
outside this norm are clearly perceived as ‘other’.

Patrick: I wouldn’t like to be a Muslim in any school.
Interviewer: Why?
Patrick: I just don’t want to get picked on by anybody. I wouldn’t like to be a Protes-

tant either. (Grade 5)

For minority ethnic children the experience of mixing with children from other ethnic
groups also poses challenges and opportunities. For children coming to Ireland for the
first time there is the immediate challenge of being a new child in school and adapting
to their new surrounds. Interviews indicated that the children reacted differently to
these pressures, with some being proud of the cultural differences between themselves
and their Irish peers, while others chose to negate such differences and blend more
readily into the dominant peer culture:

Merike: I remember one day I went in with my scarf after my religion class. They
were asking me questions but I really didn’t mind about it … for them to
know more about Islam

Interviewer: And how did you feel Salma?
Salma: I feel embarrassed in front of everybody. They say like you are small and

you have to wear that scarf. (Grade 5 girl)

Cultural and language differences became enmeshed in the shifting alliances between
children, and sometimes are used by children to gain the upper hand with one another
by speaking in a language not understood by the others or by telling tales to the
teacher for engaging in what could be perceived as exclusionary behaviour:

People are different. When I speak my language, Arabic, people go: ‘What the heck are you
saying?’ ‘You don’t have to know, I’m speaking to my sister’ and they go ‘I’m telling the
teacher on you’. They think I’m saying something about them, but I’m not.

Travellers also faced challenges to their identity in their experience of school. An
interview with five Traveller children revealed that while these children were Irish,
they saw themselves as different to settled Irish, as the following conversation
illustrates:

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Tom: Can I ask you a question?
Interviewer: Yeah.
Tom: Are Traveller people and settled people the same people?
Interviewer: What do you think?
Tom: Well, you know the way you are a settled person.
Lisa: We talk different.
Pat: We keep horses.
Tom: We live in trailers.

However, changes in lifestyle brought with it conflicting views on Traveller identity,
with one child in the group clearly ashamed of her Traveller background, conscious of
its negative connotations among settled peers in her class:

Lisa: Girls in my class don’t know I’m a Traveller … I’m shamed, I don’t want to
tell them

Interviewer: Why do you say that—they wouldn’t make friends with you?
Tom: They don’t even know we are Travellers.
Interviewer: Maybe they know, they just don’t care, they like you anyway.
Tom: They just don’t want to tell you maybe?
Lisa: They don’t want to insult you or anything.

Inclusion and exclusion: ethnic and gender dynamics

Clearly then, all children, both minority and majority ethnic, were sensitive to the cul-
tural, physical and linguistic differences that existed between them. What is important,
however, is the manner in which the children reacted to these differences, especially as
this applied to their inclusionary/exclusionary practices. For the minority ethnic chil-
dren, many of whom were new to the school, this added an extra dimension to their
coping strategies as they had to negotiate their way into peer groups that pre-dated
their arrival into the school.

An intensive case study of Mr O’Reilly’s class (Grade 4, aged 9–10 years) gives us some
indication of the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion over one school year and of how
these are not only tied to the perceptions of sameness and difference indicated earlier,
but also how they are mediated by both gender and ability. Sociometric analysis over
the course of the year indicated changing patterns of friendship among the boys, with
significantly greater inter-ethnic mixing evident by the end of the year. Observational
and interview data confirmed these patterns, with the boys making positive comments
about their evolving relationships with one another:

I think it’s really healthy to have friends from different countries, lots of my friends are
from different countries and I think it’s great. (Mathew)

Significantly, sporting ability, especially the playing of soccer, had a dramatic impact
on the level of interaction and status enhancement among the boys and was actively
encouraged and supported by male staff in the school, but especially by Mr O’Reilly,
the class teacher. Participation in sport could also be a double-edged sword, however,
giving rise to enhanced status among male peers when one was good at it, or alternat-
ively greater susceptibility to racial abuse on the sports field when tensions were high:

134 Dympna Devine and Mary Kelly

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Marcus: Please, people who are listening to this, pick up some sport or you get slagged.
You have to be good at sport. (Minority ethnic, Grade 5)

Tony: Racism mainly takes place in sport … sometimes white people are picked first or if
a coloured person hacked you or side tackled you then you could give them a
punch. (Mr O’Reilly’s class, Grade 4)

Ability in the academic sphere was also helpful in negotiating entry to peer groups,
and through co-operation in a group project, Sam integrated himself successfully into
an academic boys peer group (Sean, Tom and Patrick):

Sean: I always play now with Sam after school. People from different countries are great to
get to know because you learn all different games and all about their country. (Mr
O’Reilly’s class, Grade 4)

A different pattern was notable among girls in Mr O’Reilly’s class, however. Initial
observations and sociometric analysis indicated the prevalence of positive inter-
ethnic nominations at the start of the school year and the popularity of Sarah, a
Muslim girl who had arrived in the class just three months previously. However,
over the course of the year, a clear polarisation in friendship patterns occurred
between the minority and majority ethnic girls. By the end of the school year, the
three minority ethnic girls in the class (Sarah, Elisabeth and Sharon) were a distinct
cluster, separate from their majority ethnic peers. Many factors contributed to their
relative isolation. The first was the high status that appeared to be given to newly
arrived girls among the female peer group, and the supplanting of Sarah by Joanna,
a newly arrived majority ethnic girl, halfway through the school year. Sarah’s sense
of hurt at her displacement is reflected when she says:

First of all they play in the yard with you and then they left you and went to a new girl. I
felt sad.

However, as was the case with boys, sharing common interests (spoken of in the
interviews as ‘likes the same things, likes your ideas and someone you can agree
with’) was also an important precursor to the cementing and continuation of friend-
ships among the girls. This was encapsulated in the importance that was placed on
‘girl’ talk as a bonding ritual between the majority ethnic girls (and on occasion
between them and the researcher) and revolved mainly around fashion and physical
appearance, as well as discussions about boys. Such talk could have negative impli-
cations for the inclusion of minority ethnic girls (including Traveller children), and
was something they were acutely sensitive to. This is reflected in Lisa’s comment
above related to concealing her Traveller status, and also Elisabeth’s perception that,
as a Nigerian girl she felt she was unpopular because other girls did not like her
hair. Sarah, a Muslim girl, commented on her reluctance to participate in typical
romance/boy talk that was increasingly prevalent among majority ethnic girls in her
class:

I don’t like the way they’re always talking about boys.

Opportunities to shine through co-operative group work did not appear to have the
same positive impact on inter-ethnic relations for these girls, who were ranked as mid

Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion 135

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to low achievers by Mr O’Reilly. While Elisabeth and Sharon struggled to maintain
friendships with majority ethnic girls in the class, Sarah sought out Muslim girls in
other classes and played with them during break time.

It would be a mistake however to presume that shared ethnic identity is necessary to
the formation of friendship bonds, a factor that can often be assumed by teachers with
respect to minority ethnic children (Devine, 2005). Interview data from another class in
the school (Ms Murphy, Grade 5) highlighted the dissonance that can occur within a
particular ethnic group, in this case Muslim girls, as levels of adherence to certain
traditions and rituals became a marker of inclusion/exclusion between them:

I’m a Muslim but my Mum was brought up not wearing scarves and all the Muslims jeer
me because I’m not like them … Sometimes I wear scarves when I go to the Mosque. Since
me and Karla use to be friends because we are both Muslims and everyone used to think
we had loads of things in common. Since Hannah came, she took Karla away from me.
They use to leave me out because I wear dresses and don’t have a scarf, they just wouldn’t
let me in.

Dynamics of inclusion and exclusion that are intertwined with those of sameness and
difference are reflected in this excerpt as Karina speaks of the competitiveness among
peers for friends (‘she took Karla away from me’) as well as the sense of isolation by
being excluded (‘they just wouldn’t let me in’). The excerpt also indicates how simple
stereotypes regarding ethnic and cultural identity ignore the hybrid forms this can take
in differing cultural and social contexts, resulting in dynamics of inclusion/exclusion
based on sameness/difference within ethnic groups as much as between them. Signifi-
cantly, Karina was a girl who explicitly identified with stereotypical Irish norms and
during the course of the interview referred proudly to her holding an Irish passport, as
well as her participation in swimming activities and Gaelic football.

Conclusion

When children say they ‘don’t want to get picked on by anyone’, this raises questions
not only about inclusion and exclusion in children’s friendship groups but also about
the reasons why they are ‘picked’ on and marked out as ‘different’. Though it is often
invisible to adults, child culture presents to children a world that is simultaneously fun
and risky, within which they must position themselves as competent social negotiators,
building alliances and friendships that are open to fluctuation and change. While this
social positioning is an active process, it is also deeply embedded in the politics of
recognition (Fraser, 2000; Young, 1990) that derives from ethnic and gendered norms
that prevail in the society at large. Children, no less than adults, exercise power with
one another, drawing on dominant discourses of normality and ‘otherness’ in their
inclusionary/exclusionary practices. While the analysis has highlighted the children’s
perception of difference, and the way that, for majority ethnic children this is firmly
embedded in cultural stereotypes about what it means to be ‘Irish’, the data also dem-
onstrate the strategies that minority ethnic children employ in coping with these norms.
Such strategies are mediated by both gender and ability and, although this aspect is
not significantly developed in this article, social class, and they were apparent in the
more intensive case-study analysis of Mr O’Reilly’s class over the school year.

136 Dympna Devine and Mary Kelly

� 2006 The Author(s) CHILDREN & SOCIETY Vol. 20, 128–139 (2006)
Journal compilation � 2006 National Children’s Bureau

For minority ethnic boys, dominant constructions of masculinity which revolved
around being good at something, but especially sport, facilitated the successful integra-
tion of these boys into distinct male peer groups. This, coupled with the tendency for
boys to play in large groups during playtime, appeared to provide them with signifi-
cant opportunities for mixing and networking with their male peers. A question arises,
however, as to the potential integration of boys who do not conform to dominant con-
structs of masculinity. For newly arrived minority ethnic girls, their initial high status
among female peers gave way to different experiences of inclusion and exclusion,
dependent upon their ability to find common ground with others and to negotiate their
entry into relatively exclusive friendship groups. Identity work was clearly involved in
these processes as cultural and gendered norms conflicted. Dominant constructs of fem-
ininity—especially an emphasis on boy talk, fashion and appearance—within the talk
of majority ethnic girls, rendered it difficult for minority ethnic girls who differed from
this norm. While Sarah played with two Muslim girls in another class (in so doing
heightening her ‘other’ status among peers in her own class but providing her with
feelings of inclusion in school), Elisabeth and Sharon struggled at the fringes of the
female peer network—their ethnic ‘otherness’ clearly positioning them in exclusionary
terms. In two other classes, the successful integration of both Karina (Muslim) and Lisa
(Traveller) into female peer groups coincided with their overt affiliation with dominant
ethnic and gendered norms, giving rise to some criticism from within their own ‘ethnic’
groups.

The implications of such findings for policy can be considered on a number of levels.
At a broader level, the analysis highlights the complexity of the children’s social world
and challenges any benign interpretation of children’s interaction that draws on overly
paternalistic and individualistic assumptions about their behaviour. As competent
agents (Brembeck and others, 2004), children know what they do and why they do
it—responding to the challenges and opportunities of peer group membership in the
context of the cultural, social, emotional and material resources they have at their
disposal (Devine, 2003). Policy must take account of this complexity as well as chil-
dren’s competency, acknowledging the multi-layered strands of identity that influences
their positioning with one another in school. At the level of implementation, whole
school planning for equality, diversity and social inclusion needs to be undertaken that
is relevant to the particular context of each school, while sensitive to national guide-
lines and best practice in the area. Particular attention should be given to the inclusion
of newly arrived children to the school and the establishment of support structures
(e.g. a ‘buddy’ system) to facilitate their integration. A charter of social relations should
be included with an emphasis on respecting all forms of diversity in peer and pupil/
teacher relations. The inclusion of the voices of parents and children from minority as
well as majority ethnic groups, should be central to such planning. This in itself
requires a commitment to the development of trusting and supportive relations
between school personnel and members of the broader parent

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M y r a M a r x F e r r e e
University of Wisconsin–Madison

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1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0

a boU t t h e aU t hor S

L is a Wa de is an associate professor of sociology at Occi-
dental College in Los Angeles, where she does research at
the intersection of gender, sexuality, culture, and the body.
She earned an MA in human sexuality from New York Uni-
versity and an MS and PhD in sociology from the University
of Wisconsin−Madison. She is the author of over three dozen
research papers, book chapters, and educational essays. Her
newest book, American Hookup: The New Culture of Sex on
Campus, is the definitive account of contemporary collegiate
sexual culture. Aiming to reach audiences outside of aca-
demia, Dr. Wade appears frequently in print, radio, and tele-
vision news and opinion outlets.  You can learn more about
her at lisa-wade.com or follow her on Twitter (@lisawade) or
Facebook ( /lisawadephd).

M y r a M a r x F e r r e e is the Alice H. Cook Professor of
Sociology at the University of Wisconsin−Madison. She is
the author of Varieties of Feminism: German Gender Politics
in Global Perspective (2012), co-author of Shaping Abortion
Discourse (2002) and Controversy and Coalition (2000), and
co-editor of Gender, Violence and Human Security (2013),
Global Feminism (2006), and Revisioning Gender (1998) as
well as numerous articles and book chapters. Dr. Ferree is
the recipient of various prizes for contributions to gender
studies, including the Jessie Bernard Award and Victo-
ria Schuck Award. She continues to do research on global
gender politics.

p r e Fa c e i x

1 I N T RODUCT ION  3

2 I DE A S  9
The Binary and Our Bodies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Gender Ideologies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
The Binary and Everything Else . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29

3 BODI ES  3 9
Research on Sex Differences and Similarities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
Defining Difference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
Similarities Between the Sexes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54

4 PER FOR M A NCES  67
How to Do Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
Learning the Rules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
Why We Follow the Rules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
How to Break the Rules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
The No. 1 Gender Rule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88

5 I N T ER SECT IONS  93
Intersectionality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
Economic Class and Residence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
Race . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
Sexual Orientation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108
Immigration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
Ability, Age, and Attractiveness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115

6 I N EQUA LI T Y: M EN A N D M A SCU LI N I T I ES  1 2 5
The Gender of Cheerleading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
Gendered Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
Gender for Men . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
Can Masculinity Be Good? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152

con t e n tS

viii

7 I N EQUA LI T Y: WOM EN A N D F EM I N I N I T I ES  1 5 9
Cheerleading Today . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
Gender for Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161
The Big Picture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184

8 I NST I T U T IONS  191
The Organization of Daily Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
Gendered Institutions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196
The Institutionalization of Gender Difference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
The Institutionalization of Gender Inequality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
Institutional Inertia and Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212

9 CH A NGE  219
The Evolution of Sex . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220
The Evolution of Marriage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229
The Funny ’50s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
Going to Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
Work and Family Today . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 244
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248

10 SEx UA LI T I ES  2 51
Sex: The Near History of Now. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252
Sex and “Liberation” Today . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255
Gendered Sexualities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 258
College Hookup Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275

11 FA M I LI ES  2 87
Gendered Housework and Parenting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 288
Barriers to Equal Sharing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 304
Going It Alone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 308
New, Emerging, and Erstwhile Family Forms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 312

1 2 WOR K  321
The Changing Workplace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 322
Job Segregation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 326
Discrimination and Preferential Treatment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 339
Parenthood: The Facts and the Fiction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 348
The Changing Workplace, Revisited . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 351

1 3 POLI T ICS  3 57
The State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 362
Social Movements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 376

14 CONCLUSION  3 8 9

GLOssary 397
NOTes 405
crediTs 485
iNdex 487

c o n t e n t s

Pr e Face

Writing a textbook is a challenge even for folks with lots of teaching experience
in the subject matter. We would never have dared take on this project without
Karl Bakeman’s initial encouragement. His confidence in our vision was inspir-
ing and kept us going until the project could be placed into the very capable
hands of Sasha Levitt, who ushered the first edition to completion with her
meticulous reading, thoughtful suggestions, and words of encouragement. Sasha
has since become an invaluable part of the revision process, with a perfect mix
of stewardship, cheerleading, and collaborative fact-checking. She has kept us
on target conceptually as well as chronologically, challenged us to think hard
about the points that first-edition readers had raised, and yet kept the revision
process smoothly moving forward to meet our deadlines. Without her firm hand
on the tiller, our occasional excursions into the weeds might have swamped
the revision with unnecessary changes, but her attention to updating sources
kept us cheerful with the new evidence we landed. The revision might have bal-
looned with the new material we identified, but her editorial eye has kept us in
our word limits without sacrificing anything important. Sasha has become a
true partner in the difficult process of adding the new without losing the old,
and we could not have pulled it off without her.

Of course, Karl and Sasha are but the top of the mountain of support that
Norton has offered from beginning to end. The many hands behind the scenes
include project editor Diane Cipollone for keeping us on schedule and collating
our changes, production manager Ashley Horna for turning a manuscript into
the pages you hold now, assistant editors Erika Nakagawa and Thea Goodrich
for their logistical help in preparing that manuscript, designer Jillian Burr for
her keen graphic eye, and our copyeditor, Katharine Ings, for crossing our t’s
and dotting our i’s. The many images that enrich this book are thanks to photo
editors Travis Carr and Stephanie Romeo and photo researchers Elyse Rieder
and Rona Tuccillo. We are also grateful to have discovered Leland Bobbé, the artist

x

whose half-drag portraits fascinated us. Selecting just one for the first edition was a col-
laborative process aided by the further creative work of Jillian Burr and Debra Morton
Hoyt. Selecting a second was equally exciting and challenging. We’re grateful for the
result: striking covers that we hope catch the eye and spark conversation.

We would also like to thank the reviewers who commented on drafts of the book and
its revision in various stages: Rachel Allison, Shayna Asher-Shapiro, Phyllis L. Baker,
Kristen Barber, Miriam Barcus, Shira Barlas, Sarah Becker, Dana Berkowitz, Emily Birn-
baum, Natalie Boero, Catherine Bolzendahl, Valerie Chepp, Nancy Dess, Lisa Dilks,
Mischa DiBattiste, Erica Dixon, Mary Donaghy, Julia Eriksen, Angela Frederick, Jessica
Greenebaum, Nona Gronert, Lee Harrington, Sarah Hayford, Penelope Herideen, Mel-
anie Hughes, Miho Iwata, Rachel Kaplan, Madeline Kiefer, Rachel Kraus, Carrie Lacy,
Thomas J. Linneman, Caitlin Maher, Gul Aldikacti Marshall, Janice McCabe, Karyn
McKinney, Carly Mee, Beth Mintz, Joya Misra, Beth Montemurro, Christine Mowery,
Stephanie Nawyn, Madeleine Pape, Lisa Pellerin, Megan Reid, Gwen Sharp, Mimi Schip-
pers, Emily Fitzgibbons Shafer, Kazuko Suzuki, Jaita Talukdar, Rachel Terman, Mieke
Beth Thomeer, Kristen Williams, and Kersti Alice Yllo, as well as the students at Babson
College, Occidental College, Nevada State College, and the University of Wisconsin−
Madison who agreed to be test subjects. Our gratitude goes also to the users of the first
edition who offered us valuable feedback on what they enjoyed and what they found miss-
ing, either directly or through Norton. We’ve tried to take up their suggestions by not
merely squeezing in occasional new material but by rethinking the perspectives and
priorities that might have left such concerns on the cutting room floor the first time
around. We hope the balance we have struck is satisfying but are always open to further
criticism and suggestions.

Most of all, we are happy to discover that we could collaborate in being creative over
the long term of this project, contributing different talents at different times, and jump-
ing the inevitable hurdles without tripping each other up. In fact, we were each other’s
toughest critic and warmest supporter. Once upon a time, Lisa was Myra’s student, but in
finding ways to communicate our interest and enthusiasm to students, we became a team.
In the course of the revision, we came to appreciate each other’s strengths more than ever
and rejoice in the collegial relationship we had in making the revision happen. We hope
you enjoy reading this book as much as we enjoyed making it.

Lisa Wade
Myra Marx Ferree

p r e f a c e

G e n de r
I DE A S , I N T E R A C T I O N S , I N S T I T U T I O N S

S e c o n d e d i t i o n

a m a n in heels is r idicu lous.

— c h r i s t i a n l o u b o u t i n

3

introduction

Among the most vicious and effective killers who have ever lived were the men of the Persian army. In the late 1500s, under the reign of Abbas I, these soldiers defeated the
Uzbeks and the Ottomans and reconquered provinces lost to India
and Portugal, earning the admiration of all of Europe. Their most
lethal advantage was the high heel.1 Being on horseback, heels
kept their feet in the stirrups when they rose up to shoot their mus-
kets. It gave them deadly aim. The first high-heeled shoe, it turns
out, was a weapon of war.

Enthralled by the military men’s prowess, European male aris-
tocrats began wearing high heels in their daily lives of leisure,
using the shoe to borrow some of the Persian army’s masculine
mystique. In a way, they were like today’s basketball fans wearing
Air Jordans. The aristocrats weren’t any better on the battlefield
than your average Bulls fan is on the court, but the shoes sym-
bolically linked them to the soldiers’ extraordinary achievements.
The shoes invoked a distinctly manly power related to victory in
battle, just as the basketball shoes link the contemporary wearer
to Michael Jordan’s amazing athleticism.

As with most fashions, there was trickle down. Soon men of all
classes were donning high heels, stumbling around the cobble stone
streets of Europe feeling pretty suave. And then women decided

1

Chapter 1  I n t r o d u c t I o n4

they wanted a piece of the action, too. In the 1630s,
masculine fashions were “in” for ladies. They
cut their hair, added military decorations to the
shoulders of their dresses, and smoked pipes. For
women, high heels were nothing short of mascu-
line mimicry.

These early fashionistas irked the aristocrats
who first borrowed the style. The whole point of
nobility, after all, was to be above everyone else.
In response, the elites started wearing higher and
higher heels. France’s King Louis XIV even decreed
that no one was allowed to wear heels higher than
his.2 In the New World, the Massachusetts colony
passed a law saying that any woman caught wear-
ing heels would incur the same penalty as a witch.3

But the masses persisted. And so the aristo-
crats shifted strategies: They dropped high heels
altogether. It was the Enlightenment now, and
there was an accompanying shift toward logic
and reason. Adopting the philosophy that it was

intelligence—not heel height—that bestowed superiority, aristocrats donned
flats and began mocking people who wore high heels, suggesting that wear-
ing such impractical shoes was the height of stupidity.

Ever since, the shoe has remained mostly out of fashion for men—cow-
boys excluded, of course, and disco notwithstanding—but it’s continued to
tweak the toes of women in every possible situation, from weddings to the
workplace. No longer at risk of being burned at the stake, women are allowed
to wear high heels, now fully associated with femaleness in the American
imagination. Some women even feel pressure to do so, particularly if they
are trying to look pretty or professional. And there remains the sense that
the right pair brings a touch of class.

The attempts by aristocrats to keep high heels to themselves are part of
a phenomenon that sociologists call distinction, a word used to describe
efforts to distinguish one’s own group from others. In this historical exam-
ple, we see elite men working hard to make a simultaneously class- and
gender-based distinction. If the aristocrats had had their way, only rich men
would have ever worn high heels. Today high heels continue to serve as a
marker of gender distinction. With few exceptions, only women (and peo –
ple impersonating women) wear high heels.

Distinction is a main theme of  this book. The word gender only exists
because we distinguish between people in this particular way. If we didn’t

shah a bbas i, who ruled Persia between
1588 and 1629, shows off not only his
scimitar, but also his high heels.

I n t r o d u c t I o n 5

care about distinguishing men from women, the
whole concept would be utterly unnecessary.
We don’t, after all, tend to have words for phys-
ical differences that don’t have meaning to us.
For exam ple, we don’t make a big deal out of the
fact that some people have the gene that allows
them to curl their tongue and some people don’t.
There’s no concept of tongue aptitude that refers
to the separation of people into the curly tongued
and the flat tongued. Why would we need such
a thing? The vast majority of us just don’t care.
Likewise, the ability to focus one’s eyes on a close
or distant object isn’t used to signify status and
being right-handed is no longer considered bet-
ter than being left-handed.

Gender, then, is about distinction. Like tongue
aptitude, vision, and handedness, it is a biological
reality. We are a species that reproduces sex ually.
We come, roughly, in two body types: a female
one built to gestate new life and a male one made
to mix up the genes of the species. The word sex
is used to refer to these physical differences in
pri mary sexual charac teristics (the presence of
organs directly involved in reproduction) and sec-
ondary sexual characteristics (such as patterns
of hair growth, the amount of breast tissue, and
distribution of  body fat). We usually use the words
male and female to refer to sex, but we can also use male-bodied and
female-bodied to specify that sex refers to the body and may not extend to
how a person feels or acts. And, as we’ll see, not every body fits neatly into
one category or the other.

Unlike tongue aptitude, vision, and handedness, we make the biology of
sex socially significant. When we differentiate between men and women,
for example, we also invoke blue and pink baby blankets, suits and dresses,
Maxim and Cosmopolitan magazines, and action movies and chick flicks.
These are all examples of the world divided up into the masculine and the
feminine, into things we associate with men and women. The word gender
refers to the symbolism of masculinity and femininity that we connect to
being male-bodied or female-bodied.

Symbols matter because they indicate what bodily differences mean in
prac tice. They force us to try to fit our bodies into constraints that “pinch”
both physically and symbolically, as high heels do. They prompt us to invent

louis X i V, king of France from 1643 to
1715, gives himself a boost with big
hair and high heels.

Chapter 1  I n t r o d u c t I o n6

ways around bodily limitations, as eyeglasses do. They are part of our collec-
tive imaginations and, accordingly, the stuff out of which we create human
reality. Gender symbolism shapes not just our identities and the ideas in our
heads, but workplaces, families, and schools, and our options for navigating
through them.

This is where distinction comes in. Much of what we believe about men
and women—even much of what we imagine is strictly biological—is not
naturally occurring difference that emerges from our male and female bod-
ies. Instead, it’s an outcome of active efforts to produce and maintain differ-
ence: a sea of peo ple working together every day to make men masculine
and women feminine, and signify the relative importance of masculinity
and femininity in every domain.

Commonly held ideas, and the behaviors that both uphold and challenge
them, are part of culture: a group’s shared beliefs and the practices and
material things that reflect them. Human lives are wrapped in this cultural
meaning, like the powerful masculinity once ascribed to high heels. So gen der
isn’t merely biological; it’s cultural. It’s the result of a great deal of human
effort guided by shared cultural ideas.

one of these people is not like the others. We perform gendered distinctions like the one shown
here ever y day, often simply out of habit.

I n t r o d u c t I o n 7

Why would people put so much effort into maintaining this illusion of
distinction?

Imagine those aristocratic tantrums: pampered, wig-wearing, face-
powdered men stomping their high-heeled feet in frustration with the lowly
copycats. How dare the masses blur the line between us, they may have cried.
Today it might sound silly, ridiculous even, to care about who does and
doesn’t wear high heels. But at the time it was a very serious matter. Success-
ful efforts at distinction ensured that these elite men really seemed different
and, more importantly, bet ter than women and other types of men. This was
at the very core of the aristocracy: the idea that some people truly are supe-
rior and, by virtue of their superi ority, entitled to hoard wealth and monop-
olize power. They had no superpowers with which to claim superiority, no
actual proof that God wanted things that way, no biological trait that gave
them an obvious advantage. What did they have to dis tinguish themselves?
They had high heels.

Without high heels, or other symbols of superiority, aristocrats couldn’t
make a claim to the right to rule. Without difference, in other words, there
could be no hierarchy. This is still true today. If one wants to argue that
Group A is superior to Group B, there must be distinguishable groups. We
can’t think more highly of one type of person than another unless we have
at least two types. Distinction, then, must be maintained if we are going to
value certain types of people more than others, allowing them to demand
more power, attract more prestige, and claim the right to extreme wealth.

Wealth and power continue to be hoarded and monopolized. These
ine qual ities continue to be justified—made to seem normal and natural—by
prod ucing differences that make group membership seem meaningful and
inequality inevi table or right. We all engage in actions designed to align
ourselves with some people and differentiate ourselves from others. Thus
we see the persistence of social classes, racial and ethnic categories, the
urban-rural divide, gay and straight iden tities, liberal and conservative par-
ties, and various Christian and Muslim sects, among other distinctions.
These categories aren’t all bad; they give us a sense of belonging and bring
joy and pleasure into our lives. But they also serve as clas sifications by
which societies unevenly distribute power and privilege.

Gender is no different in this regard. There is a story to tell about both dif-
ference and hierarchy and it involves both pleasure and pain. We’ll wait a bit
before we seriously tackle the problem of gender inequality, spending sev-
eral chapters learning just how enjoyable studying gender can be. There’ll
be funny parts and fascinating parts. You’ll meet figure skaters and football
players, fish and flight attendants and, yes, feminists, too. Eventually we’ll get
to the part that makes you want to throw the book across the room. We won’t
take it personally. For now, let’s pick up right where we started, with distinction.

The on es w iTh ey el ashes a r e gir ls;

boys don ’T h av e ey el ashes.

— F o u r -y e a r – o l d e r i n d e s c r i b e s h e r d r aw i n g 1

9

ideas

Most of us use the phrase “opposite sexes” when describing the categories of male and female. It’s a telling phrase. There are other ways to express this relationship. It was
once common, for example, to use the phrase “the fairer sex” or
“the second sex” to describe women. We could simply say “the
other sex,” a more neutral phrase. Or, even, “an other sex,” which
leaves open the possibility of more than two. Today, though, peo-
ple usually describe men and women as opposites.

Seventeenth-century Europeans—the same ones fighting over
high heels—didn’t believe in “opposite” sexes; they didn’t even
believe in two sexes.2 They believed men and women were better
and worse versions of the same sex, with identical reproductive
organs that were just arranged differently: Men’s genitals were
pushed out of the body, while women’s remained inside. As Fig-
ure 2.1 shows, they saw the vagina as simply a penis that hadn’t
emerged from the body; the womb as a scrotum in the belly; the
ovaries just internal testes. As the lyrics to one early song put it:
“Women are but men turned outside in.”3

Seventeenth-century anatomists were wrong, of course. We’re
not the same sex. The uterus and fallopian tubes of the female
body come from an embryonic structure that is dissolved during
male fetal development. Conversely, men’s internal sexual and

2

Chapter 2  I D E A S10

reproductive plumbing has no corollary inside most women. The penis is
not a protruding vagina, nor the vagina a shy penis.

But the idea that we are opposite sexes is not completely right either. The
penis and scrotum do have something in common with female anatomy.
The same tissue

Sociology homework help

Federal Emergency Management Agency

A Compendium of
Exemplary Practices in
Emergency Management

Volume IV

PARTNERSHIPS IN
PREPAREDNESS

January 2000

Foreword

This Compendium of Exemplary Practices in Emergency Management, Volume IV, is a product
of the emergency management community working in partnership in service to the
public. It is the result of FEMA’s continuing outreach initiative to identify the innovative
ideas, emergency management talent, and abundant resources that exist throughout the
country.

What is an exemplary practice? In the judgment of the emergency management partners
who reviewed all entries for this edition, it is any idea, project, program, technique, or
method in emergency management that has worked in one place and may be worthy of
adopting elsewhere. This Compendium describes public- and private-sector emergency
management practices that include unique coordination among organizations, volunteer
projects, resource sharing, and other innovative approaches to emergency management.

In addition to describing the practices selected, the Compendium refers readers to knowl-
edgeable individuals for further information. This book is not only being published in
this printed format but is also available on the Internet at FEMA’s World Wide Web site.

In keeping with FEMA’s goals of building a strong and effective emergency management
system, the search for exemplary practices is continuing. Instructions and a form for
submitting additional innovative ideas can be found at the end of this volume, and we
urge you to share your exemplary practices.

Sincerely,

James Lee Witt
Director
Federal Emergency Management Agency

Kay C. Goss
Associate Director for Preparedness
Federal Emergency Management Agency

PARTNERSHIPS IN
PREPAREDNESS

A Compendium of Exemplary Practices in
Emergency Management

Volume IV

Federal Emergency Management Agency

January 2000

James Lee Witt
Director

Federal Emergency Management Agency

Kay C. Goss
Associate Director

Federal Emergency Management Agency
for the Preparedness Directorate

iii

____________________________________________________________________ ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Acknowledgments

Many people contributed to this fourth edition of the Compendium. Their contributions include the critical executive
support needed to make this initiative a reality: the memoranda, letters, and communications on the Internet
encouraging nominations from throughout the emergency management community and the administrative tasks
and correspondence involved in the nominations of exemplary practices in emergency management.

Under the policy guidance of Kay C. Goss, FEMA’s Associate Director for Preparedness, Partnerships in Preparedness
was implemented in the Preparedness Outreach Division under the direction of Thomas R. McQuillan. The project
officer during the development of this fourth edition was Maria A. Younker.

However, the many ideas, suggestions, and encouraging words of support received from people throughout the
public and private sectors of the emergency management community have given the effort vitality. All of the
individual State, Tribal, and local emergency managers whose support and nominations are a part of this edition
are acknowledged as contact people in the body of the Compendium.

The Compendium is an example of interagency cooperation between FEMA and the U.S. Department of Justice’s
National Institute of Justice (NIJ). NIJ’s assistance was instrumental in establishing and applying a model of
information sharing among local, State, and Federal agencies.

The individuals listed below played direct roles in developing this edition. We wish to thank everyone associated
with launching this initiative and helping it grow.

Federal Emergency Management Agency
Headquarters Leadership
Kay C. Goss
Associate Director for Preparedness

Michael Armstrong
Associate Director for Mitigation

Lacy E. Suiter
Executive Associate Director for Response and Recovery

JoAnn Howard
Administrator for Federal Insurance Administration

Carrye B. Brown
Administrator for U.S. Fire Administration

Clay G. Hollister
Executive Associate Director for Information Technology
Services

Bruce Campbell
Executive Associate Director for Operations Support

FEMA Regional Directors

Jeffrey A. Bean
Region I

Lynn G. Canton
Region II

Rita A. Calvan
Region III

John B. Copenhaver
Region IV

Dale W. Shipley
Region V

Raymond L. Young
Region VI

John A. Miller
Region VII

iv

____________________________________________________________________ ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Richard P. Weiland
Region VIII

Martha Z. Whetstone
Region IX

David L. de Courcy
Region X

State, Tribal, and Local Partners

Elizabeth B. Armstrong, CAE
International Association of Emergency Managers

Garry L. Briese, CAE
International Association of Fire Chiefs

Trina Hembree
National Emergency Management Association

Andrea A. Walter
IOCAD Emergency Services Group

Heather Westra
Prairie Island Indian Community

FEMA Participants

Morris Boone
Office of Emergency Information and Media Affairs

Leo Bosner
Response and Recovery Directorate

Elizabeth R. Edge
Response and Recovery Directorate

Marilyn MacCabe
Mitigation Directorate

William J. Troup
U.S. Fire Administration

Kyle W. Blackman
Preparedness Directorate

David M. Larimer
Preparedness Directorate

Peggy Stahl
Preparedness Directorate

National Institute of Justice

William A. Ballweber
Raymond German
John Schwarz
Daniel Tompkins
Robyn Towles
Jeremy Travis

NIJ’s Information Clearinghouse Staff
(Operated by Aspen Systems Corporation)

Rob Lee
Becky Lewis
Laura Mitchell
Annie Pardo

v

Table of Contents

Foreword␣ ……………………………………………………………………………. Inside front cover

Acknowledgments␣ ……………………………………………………………………………………… iii

Introduction␣ …………………………………………………………………………………………………. 1

Exemplary Practices in Emergency Management␣ ………………………………………… 3

Indexes␣ ……………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 39

Program Contacts␣ …………………………………………………………………………………….. 41

Program Titles␣ ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 43

Program Subjects␣ ……………………………………………………………………………………… 45

Program Locations␣ …………………………………………………………………………………… 51

Appendix …………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 53

Online Resources …………………………………………………………………………………….. 55

_________________________________________________ CONTENTS

vii

_________________________________________________________________________ INTRODUCTION

Introduction
Dear Partners:

When dealing with disasters, we can accomplish more together as a group than as individuals. Natural disasters
permeate every corner of our communities. No individual, business, or organization is left untouched. For this
reason, communities need to work together to become better prepared. They need to take action before the next
earthquake, flood, hurricane, wildfire, or hazardous materials incident occurs.

Since 1995 the Preparedness Directorate has been producing A Compendium of Exemplary Practices in Emergency
Management. The objective of FEMA’s Compendium is to share information regarding innovative emergency man-
agement programs that have worked well so that these programs can be adopted elsewhere. By disseminating
information on exemplary practices that have worked, communities can better prepare themselves to respond to
the diversity of natural or man-caused disasters.

This volume contains various exemplary practices detailing how some communities have built partnerships and
implemented innovative programs to address specific areas of emergency management. It is FEMA’s goal that the
methods and principles contained in this Compendium be applied in any community across the country to help
build a safer and stronger America. By sharing your creative and innovative programs for dissemination through
this Compendium to the emergency management community, we can create a network of “Partners in Preparedness.”

As we create this network, it is important to remember that all individuals have a vital role in protecting our
communities from the effects of disasters. It has become evident by our Nation’s real-world events that emergency
management preparedness is necessary at all age levels of our society. Integrating emergency management aware-
ness education in our school curriculum promotes the development of an effective, comprehensive emergency
management infrastructure. We have included in this volume of the Compendium several exemplary practices that
are geared toward school-age youth in their primary and secondary years of study.

Project Impact is FEMA’s initiative to help communities build capabilities to reduce the effects of disasters. The
efforts undertaken by the Project Impact Communities are commendable and I am pleased that several of these
communities are recognized in this volume of the Compendium.

Also, this year I am pleased to recognize that the Compendium includes an exemplary practice from one of our
Tribal Government partners, the Prairie Island Indian Community. I have placed this exemplary practice first in the
“Exemplary Practices in Emergency Management” section to recognize the unique relationship between Native
American Tribal Governments and the United States Government. I hope to expand the Compendium to include a
section for Tribal Governments in future volumes.

A panel of our partners from the public and private emergency management community reviewed all of the
practices included in this volume; the practices have been certified as accurate by the submitters. FEMA is not
responsible for misinformation.

All four volumes of the Compendium are also published on the Internet at www.fema.gov/library/lib07.htm.

The organization of this document responds to FEMA’s goal to inform all interested individuals of innovative and
promising approaches to emergency management. The sections are organized alphabetically by the State from
which the exemplary practice was nominated. Under each State listing, the programs are organized alphabetically
by project name. Each program listing provides data in the following categories: name of the program, contact
person’s name, address, e-mail address where available, phone, and fax numbers; program type; population
targeted by the program; program setting; startup date; description of the program; evaluation information; annual

1

viii

budget; sources of funding; and in some cases, additional sources for information. The categories are highlighted to
help the reader peruse each listing for specific data. For example, check the Program Type description to get a
quick overview of the program’s purpose. Read the Program Description to learn more about the program’s goals
and operations. Check the Evaluation Information for indicators of its success.

Four indexes enable the readers to locate key information:

• Contact. The names of the program contacts are listed in alphabetical order to enable the reader to easily
identify the individuals to write to or call for further information.

• Title. The program titles are listed in alphabetical order.
• Subject. Most programs have been indexed to more than a single subject heading. Subject headings include

aspects such as the type of problem being addressed by the program (e.g., earthquakes, hurricanes), the pro-
gram type (e.g., damage assessment), and solutions to problems (e.g., evacuation routes, emergency response
teams).

• Location. This index enhances the Table of Contents by indicating the cities and counties within a State covered
by the program. If a program is multistate, that information is listed first under the name of each involved State.
If the program is operating throughout a single State, that information is provided next.

I hope that this Compendium is effective in helping you to take a step toward building a safer and stronger emer-
gency management community in your neighborhood. With your dedication and involvement, we can work to
prepare ourselves for tomorrow and build a more disaster-resistant America today.

I urge you to share your exemplary practices! We look forward to hearing from you.

Sincerely,

Kay C. Goss
Associate Director for Preparedness

2

_________________________________________________________________________ INTRODUCTION

Exemplary
Practices in
Emergency
Management

5

PRAIRIE ISLAND INDIAN COMMUNITY

Prairie Island Fire Engine
Deployment

Contact:
Heather Westra
Emergency Planner
Prairie Island Indian

Community
5636 Sturgeon Lake Road
Welch, MN 55089
Tel: 651–385–2554, ext. 4285
Fax: 651–385–4110

Program Type:
Fire prevention.

Target Population:
Approximately 150 residents
of the Prairie Island Indian
Community and visitors to
the Treasure Island Resort
and Casino.

Setting:
Communitywide.

Project Startup Date:
1999.

Program Description:
The community is located on an island in the Mississippi River and is acces-
sible by only one paved road, bisected by a railroad line. A train derailment or
other road closure would result in the community’s becoming isolated from
fire protection by the Red Wing Fire Department, which is located approxi-
mately 13 miles away.

To prepare for such an emergency, the community has obtained a surplus fire
engine and is training volunteers to respond. Community members are being
trained as volunteer firefighters and they have been taught how to deploy the
vehicle in the event of an emergency, which results in increased response
capability and community involvement.

The fire engine was obtained by using U.S. Government surplus procedures.
It is also available for use by the Red Wing Fire Department on request.

Evaluation Information:
The Red Wing Fire Department has expressed gratitude for the additional
equipment and assistance.

Annual Budget:
Estimated at less than $2,000.

Sources of Funding:
This program is funded through Prairie Island Indian Community revenue.

6

ARKANSAS

Contact:
Terry Gray
Arkansas Office of Emergency

Services
P.O. Box 758
Conway, AR 72033
Tel: 501–730–9798
Fax: 501–730–9853
E-mail: terry.gray@
adem.state.ar.us

Program Type:
Flood mitigation.

Target Population:
Residents of the city of
McGehee.

Setting:
Residential area east of and
adjacent to Black Pond Slough.

Project Startup Date:
November 1995.

Program Description:
McGehee residents living east of and adjacent to Black Pond Slough had
experienced flooding numerous times in the previous 10 years, with approxi-
mately 25 houses incurring damages in excess of $1.1 million, or an annual
average of $150,000. Following severe flooding and designation of the neigh-
borhood as a Federal and State disaster area on January 27, 1994, the city of
McGehee surveyed local residents about flood damage and came up with a
plan to mitigate future damage.

The city built a 17-acre detention basin to the west of the affected subdivision,
as well as a containment levee on the east side of Black Pond Slough and the
north side of the detention basin. Storm water flows into the detention basin
and remains there until water in Black Pond Slough recedes. At that point, a
storm water pump with the capacity to empty the 5-foot deep basin in 48
hours discharges water back into the slough. The system also reduces flood-
water infiltration into the McGehee sewer system and damage to city streets.

The facility was completed in October 1998 and received its first test in January
1999 when 8.3 inches of rain fell in McGehee over a 3-day span. No homes
were flooded and the detention facility averted an estimated $200,000 in
damages.

Arkansas is currently helping North Little Rock and Helena to construct
similar facilities.

Annual Budget:
$1,000 for maintenance.

Sources of Funding:
FEMA provided 75 percent ($436,500) of needed funds, with State and local
agencies contributing the remaining 25 percent ($72,500 each).

Black Pond Slough Detention
Facility

7

Clay County Earthquake
Preparedness and Mitigation
Program

Contact:
Judge Gary Howell
151 South Second Avenue
Piggott, AR 72454
Tel: 870–598–2667
Fax: 870–598–5592

Program Type:
Earthquake mitigation.

Target Population:
Residents of Clay County,
Arkansas.

Setting:
Countywide.

Project Startup Date:
September 1997.

Program Description:
The Clay County Disaster Resistant Community Council, a voluntary organi-
zation, uses its members’ networking skills to promote earthquake prepared-
ness and mitigation in an area that lies atop the New Madrid fault. More than
4,000 minor earthquakes, most too small to be felt, have been detected in the
area since monitoring instruments were installed in 1974. Chances of an earth-
quake registering 6.0 or greater on the Richter scale occurring before 2000 have
been estimated at 50 percent, and before 2040 at 90 percent.

Council members focus their efforts on meeting goals of safety and earthquake
preparedness for schools, hospitals, and businesses, and citizen awareness and
education. Toward those ends, the council has leveraged more than $3 million
in grants and completed the following projects:

• Installed earthquake-sensitive gas valves in all county school buildings.
• Completed a seismic engineering survey for the Piggott and Central Clay

County school districts.

• Approved seismic retrofits for those two school districts.
• Completed applications for seismic retrofit grants for Corning School

District and Piggott Hospital.

• Developed a Clay County Hazard Assessment and Hazard Mitigation Plan.
Evaluation Information
FEMA has named Clay County and its three largest cities—Corning, Piggott,
and Rector—a Project Impact community. Only one city or county in each State
receives this designation, which means FEMA provides technical assistance
and support.

Annual Budget:
None given.

Sources of Funding:
FEMA grants have provided the majority of project funding. The council is
seeking other funding sources, including a 12.5-percent local match.

ARKANSAS

8

Los Angeles Unified School District
Earthquake and Safe Schools
Training

Contact:
Dan Austin
Chief of Staff/Assistant

Superintendent
Los Angeles Unified School

District
450 North Grand Avenue
Los Angeles, CA 90012
Tel: 213–625–6251
Fax: 213–485–0321
E-mail: mwong01@
lausd.k12.ca.us

Program Type:
Training.

Target Population:
Los Angeles Unified School
District staff.

Setting:
Throughout the school district.

Project Startup Date:
1995.

Program Description:
During two Shake Days held in November and April each year, every school
in the Los Angeles Unified School District responds to a scenario involving a
6.0-magnitude earthquake that result in injuries, death, chemical spills, and
other hazards. Students participate in drills, while school system employees
enact their roles as members of teams for first aid, search and rescue, student
assembly, fire suppression, security, and other tasks. All schools in the system
maintain 72-hour supplies of food and water and a large cargo container filled
with earthquake preparedness supplies, including search and rescue and first
aid kits. These enactments allow school system employees to exercise the
annual training they receive on rapid, effective response in the aftermath of a
major earthquake or other disaster.

The training program is held each year in 27 locations convenient to the
system’s clusters of schools, and includes the use of updated training manuals
and videos. In addition to the annual training, staff also hold a monthly
discussion on a specific safety preparedness topic as part of faculty meetings.

Staff have not yet had to use the training in the aftermath of an actual earth-
quake, but several schools have had occasion to apply the training to other
emergency situations, including school lockdowns following bank robbery
attempts in which gunfire had crossed campuses.

School districts across the Nation have requested materials and assistance to
use in modifying this training, which prepares all adult employees to protect
and shelter students in the event of a major disaster. The training was devel-
oped by the school district’s Office of the Superintendent, Office of Emergency
Services, and Professional Development Collaborative/Office of Instructional
Services. It also included contributions by the offices of Environmental Health
and Safety, Maintenance and Operations, Communications, and School Mental
Health, as well as the State of California Division of the State Architect. The
content and procedural model of the training was based on earthquake
preparedness training from the National Emergency Training Center in
Emmitsburg, Maryland.

Evaluation Information:
After receiving training, 95 percent of participants evaluated the program as
“excellent.”

Annual Budget:
$1.2 million.

Sources of Funding:
School district operating budget.

CALIFORNIA

9

Montecito Emergency Response
and Recovery Action Group
(MERRAG)

Contact:
Herb McElwee
Chief
Montecito Fire Protection

District
595 San Ysidro Road
Santa Barbara, CA 93108
Tel: 805–969–7762
Fax: 805–969–3598
E-mail: gsimmons@
montecitofire.com

Program Type:
Mutual self-help organization.

Target Population:
In addition to the 13,000 resi-
dents of Montecito, a seasonal
tourist and student population.

Setting:
Montecito.

Project Startup Date:
1987.

Program Description:
MERRAG uses the resources of its members and the community at large for
cooperative community disaster recovery response within the critical first 72
hours. Initially formed by the Montecito Fire, Water, and Sanitary Districts, the
group has since expanded to take in large private institutions, homeowners’
associations, and individuals as members.

MERRAG’s goals are to:

• Support the Fire District in its response to life-threatening situations.
• Coordinate support activities with outside emergency services agencies.
• Muster and organize local resources.
• Maintain a reliable communication system.
• Train District staff and community volunteers in disaster preparedness and

recovery.

• Minimize property damage.
• Provide assistance in qualifying for disaster relief funds.
The group demonstrated its ability to meet these goals during the 1997 and
1998 El Niño floods, which caused damage throughout the community.
MERRAG provided such services as traffic control where trees were downed
and preparation and delivery of sandbags to homes threatened by flooding.
MERRAG also offers ongoing training through monthly meetings and special
training events.

The group became incorporated as a private nonprofit corporation in 1993,
receiving a charitable designation from California and a 501(c)(3) designa-
tion from the Internal Revenue Service. This allows MERRAG to solicit tax-
deductible donations, which have been used to purchase equipment and
other resources.

Evaluation Information:
MERRAG was honored by the Montecito Association for its efforts during
the 1997 and 1998 El Niño floods. Project Impact coordinators approached
MERRAG and invited the organization to become a partner in Project Impact.
The organization was asked to partner as an example of how a community can
coordinate together to prepare for and recover from disasters.

Annual Budget:
$2,000 for supplies.

Sources of Funding:
Institutions, homeowners’ associations, and individuals pay membership fees
to cover the annual budget. Donations cover additional expenses.

CALIFORNIA

10

Public Education and Professional
Outreach Programs for Disaster
Preparedness

Contact:
Russell C. Coile
Disaster Coordinator/Emer-

gency Program Manager
Pacific Grove Fire Department
600 Pine Avenue
Pacific Grove, CA 93950–3317
Tel: 831–648–3110
Fax: 831–648–3107
E-mail: russell@coile.com

Program Type:
Public education and profes-
sional outreach.

Target Population:
Residents of Pacific Grove.

Setting:
Citywide.

Project Startup Date:
1990.

Program Description:
The Pacific Grove Fire Department has developed comprehensive programs
for educating local residents about disaster preparedness, including specific
programs that focus on earthquakes, fire safety, other natural disasters, and
oil spills.

Through its materials and presentations, the department promotes 72-hour
self-sufficiency for local residents by encouraging them to keep supplies of
medicine, food, drinking water, flashlights, and other essentials on hand.
Another program, “Oil Spill!”, is a four-act dramatization of the incident
command system and how it operates during a spill incident. The fire depart-
ment uses a portable two-story model house built to scale for a 6-year-old
child to teach local kindergarten students about earthquake and fire safety. It
also offers a 6-week training program for adult Volunteers in Preparedness
(VIPs), the local community emergency response teams.

In the past 10 years, numerous presentations have been given to such groups
as the Lions, Kiwanis, and Rotary clubs; the Pacific Grove Chamber of Com-
merce; the Pacific Grove School District; retirement communities and senior
centers; homeowners’ associations; the Boy Scouts; and the police depart-
ment’s Citizens’ Police Academy.

Evaluation Information:
The fire department’s emergency program manager has presented papers on
programs at conferences given by various State, national, and international
professional societies.

Annual Budget:
$2,000 for disaster preparedness literature.

Sources of Funding:
Pacific Grove funds the ongoing program through its annual budget. The
model house was built using a FEMA grant at a cost of $42,000.

CALIFORNIA

11

School-Based Disaster Mental
Health Services for Children in the
Laguna Beach Firestorm

Contact:
Merritt D. Schreiber, Ph.D.
Clinical Psychologist
Children and Youth Mental

Health Services
Orange County Health Care

Agency
3115 Redhill Avenue
Costa Mesa, CA 92626
Tel: 949–499–5346
Fax: 714–850–8492
E-mail: chipzhz@aol.com

Program Type:
Crisis counseling.

Target Population:
Children and adolescents
exposed to the Laguna Beach
firestorm and their families.

Setting:
All schools in Laguna Beach.

Project Startup Date:
October 1993.

Program Description:
On October 27, 1993, Santa Ana winds in excess of 45 miles per hour fanned an
arson-induced fire into a firestorm that caused the evacuation of the entire city
of Laguna Beach. The fire, which burned 16,682 acres, destroyed 366 homes
while damaging 84 more. Residents were unable to return to their homes for
3 days, and schools were closed for an additional 5 days.

The Laguna Beach United School District asked Children and Youth Mental
Health Services of Orange County to develop continuing mental health serv-
ices to help children and adolescents cope with post-traumatic stress in the
aftermath of the firestorm. These youth had to cope with events that included
seeing flames and burning homes; being evacuated from schools and homes;
being separated from parents for periods ranging up to 18 hours; trying to
save parents, homes, neighbors, and pets; inability to return home to rescue
pets or retrieve belongings; and losing their own homes or knowing someone
who lost their home.

Using a collaborative school-based model, a partnership that included schools,
the Orange County Health Agency, and private corporations provided services
to parents and children at each school that included crisis assessment; indi-
vidual, family, parent, group, and school counseling services; bilingual serv-
ices; and specialized outreach to minority populations. Between October 27,
1993, and March 30, 1995, services were provided to approximately 500
children.

Annual Budget:
None given.

Sources of Funding:
FEMA and the Emergency Services Disaster Relief Branch at the U.S. Depart-
ment of Health and Human Services, Center for Mental Health Services.

CALIFORNIA

12

FLORIDA

Adopt a House

Contact:
Ronald J. Ruback
Hazard Mitigation Coordinator
City of Deerfield Beach
150 Northeast Second Avenue
Deerfield Beach, FL 33441
Tel: 954–480–4249
Fax: 954–422–5812
E-mail: rruback@
deerfieldbch.com

Program Type:
Home renovation.

Target Population:
Low-income senior citizens.

Setting:
Deerfield Beach.

Project Startup Date:
1998.

Program Description:
The Adopt a House program provides storm shutters for the homes of low-
income senior citizens. Local businesses adopt houses and pay for the shutters,
which are installed by local high school students (who earn credit toward
community service activity requirements) and employees of the businesses.
These companies also provide drink and food for the volunteer workers.

To date, seven houses and one daycare center have received shutters under the
program. Shutters for the first group of homes were installed during spring
break 1998 and donated by the local Home Depot; the donation included one
set that did not fit any of the qualifying homes, but did fit a nearby daycare
center. When Home Depot stopped carrying the shutters, the city of Deerfield
Beach began recruiting among local businesses for donations of additional
shutters to continue the program.

Evaluation Information:
The entire hazard mitigation program of the city of Deerfield Beach recently
received the Florida Emergency Managers Award for preparedness. Adopt a
House has received positive publicity in the local media.

Annual Budget:
None given.

Sources of Funding:
Shutters will continue to be donated by local businesses.

13

Public/Private Emergency
Management Communication
Partnerships

Contact:
David Byron
Director
Community Information
County of Volusia
123 West Indiana Avenue
DeLand, FL 32720
Tel: 904–822–5062
Fax: 904–822–5072
E-mail: dbyron@co.volusia.fl.us

Program Type:
Public/private partnerships
for crisis communication.

Target Population:
Residents of, and visitors to,
Volusia County and surround-
ing areas.

Setting:
Volusia County Emergency
Operations Center; local
television and radio stations.

Project Startup Date:
1996.

Program Description:
Volusia Co

Sociology homework help

1

© 2021 Walden University, LLC

Ramon

Ramon is an 18-year-old male who identifies as Latino and African American. He is in
his senior year of high school and lives with his parents and two sisters.

Ramon has been diagnosed with an intellectual disability and with moderate hearing
loss in his right ear. His mother, Angela, reached out to me, the school social worker.

Background and History

Early History
After gaining consent, I met with Angela and Ramon for background and history. I asked
about Ramon’s early history, and she reported that as a baby, Ramon had multiple ear
infections as well as seizures. He was hospitalized and put on medication to control the
seizures, though nothing was done for the ears. At 5 years old, he became very sick,
and it was discovered that his Eustachian tubes were bent, which had resulted in
muffled hearing on the right side. Angela reported that if the doctor, who was White, had
noticed the issue when he’d been a baby, Ramon could have gotten tubes placed in his
ears and would not need a hearing aid. Angela reported skepticism and distrust of the
medical community based on this experience.

School
Angela reported that Ramon adapted over time to a hearing aid. He remained
somewhat removed in social situations and was overwhelmed when he entered school.
Because of his initial struggle in academics, his IQ was assessed and determined to be
below average; throughout the duration of his public schooling, Ramon had an
Individualized Education Plan (IEP) based on this identified intellectual disability.

Presenting Issue
Once I had this background from Angela, I asked what brought them here. Angela
mentioned that the college and career counselor at the high school had implied that
college was not in Ramon’s future. Angela was furious and did not feel heard by the
school administration when she brought up the incident with them. She would like
Ramon’s IQ to be reassessed. She felt that the original practitioner who performed the
IQ assessment “did not get it right” and that “Ramon has grown so much.”

Session With Ramon

I then met with Ramon individually. During the meeting, I observed that he fidgeted and
appeared anxious, occasionally biting his fingernails. “How long is this going to take?”
he asked, while looking at the time. Ramon reported that he didn’t want to be late for
gym class. He hung his head and talked in a low voice but responded to all of my
questions appropriately. When I asked how he felt about college, he said he wanted to
“go to LSU” and that the college and career counselor had started showing him job
listings instead. “Now my mom’s all mad,” he said and rolled his eyes. “Are you mad?” I
asked. Ramon said, “I don’t think that was fair of him to do. I’m not dumb.”

2

© 2021 Walden University, LLC

I asked Ramon how high school had been for him. And he responded that he didn’t
wear his hearing aid because it made him self-conscious around his peers. He sat on
the right side of the classroom so he could hear clearly from his left ear. This provoked
some anxiety prior to each class about whether he would be able to find a seat that
would position him well to hear. In cases where he could not hear, Ramon could not
fully participate in class; teachers interpreted this lack of engagement as part of him
being “slow.” Ramon also reported fear and anxiety around test-taking and social
interactions. Other than that, he explained that he generally did okay in school, and his
grades back up this statement.

Based on my recommendation, the school supported carrying out another assessment
for both IQ and mental health. The findings were that Ramon does not have a low IQ
but rather generalized and social anxiety disorders. These mental health issues were
contributing to Ramon’s social isolation and feelings of extreme worry, which in turn
impacted his performance on both the IQ assessment and school tests.

Sociology homework help

Week 5 response 1 449

Clineesha Murray

Hello Dr. Smith and Class,

All of the cases that are provided for the assignment it is very important to remain unbiased and understand the problems and concerns that each client is having.

Greg need help with overcoming an addiction. Clients that are battling with their addiction affects all areas of there lives, this includes there environment. To better help this client it is important to understand the clients back story and present circumstances in the environment this will allow you to be more effective in this case because you have detailed information. Clients who have a history of addiction remain in the same environment. Me being the social worker is is vital that i not only get him to beat his addiction by getting him sober but get him to a new environment so that he will remain sober. This will give Greg better opportunities to remain sober.

Valerie also struggles with addiction.: she also shows some signs of depression. Valerie is struggling with work and her hoe life she got a bad review and is overwhelmed with a lot of people. I would get more educated on the Indian culture this would give more insight as to why she reacts the ways she does and come with the best treatment plan for her.

I would give both Valerie and Greg a biopsychosocial assessment. I would also give them both a detailed assessment that pertains to addiction to she where there are in there own addiction. Also I would do an environmental assessment. This would also keep them responsible for getting and remaining sober.

Best Regards,

Clineesha

Direct Social Work Practice:Theory and Skills Hepworth, D.H., Rooney, R.H., Rooney, G.D. & Strom-Gotfried, K. (2016)

Sociology homework help

super
diversity
super
diversity

Maurice Crul
Jens Schneider
Frans Lelie

In 2011, Amsterdam became a majority minority city. The inhabitants of
Dutch descent officially became a minority. Only one in three young people
under the age of fifteen is of native parentage. In short: big cities in the
Netherlands and in other West-European countries are becoming super-
diverse. So far, however, no intellectual perspective has been formulated
in response to this development.

Super-diversity offers a new perspective within the integration debate by
defining the conditions required for a scenario of hope for today’s large
multi-ethnic cities. We are standing at the crossroads: this international
comparison shows how a hopeful future is dawning in those cities which
provide education and employment opportunities for the children of
immigrants. The successful second generation is taking the lead when it
comes to emancipation. Highly-educated young people are advocating
gender equality in their community, as well as the individual’s right to
decide about their sexuality.

The super-diversity perspective sheds new light on today’s urban society.
It is the perspective of a growing group of city dwellers who are decidedly
intolerant of intolerance and the limitation of personal freedom.
We are proposing a progressive alternative to the problematic aspects of
multiculturalism that demanded tolerance for all cultural opinions and
customs, even those which propagated intolerance towards others.

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www.vuuniversitypress.com

ISBN 978 90 8659 633 1

VU University Press

Super-diversity
A new perspective on integration

This publication would not have been possible without the support
of the King Baudouin Foundation in Belgium, the Volkswagen
Foundation in Germany, and The Orange Foundation and the
ECHO Expertisecentrum Diversiteitsbeleid in the Netherlands.

VU University Press
De Boelelaan 1105
1081 HV Amsterdam
The Netherlands
info@vuuitgeverij.nl
www.vuuitgeverij.nl

© 2013 Maurice Crul, Jens Schneider and Frans Lelie

Book design & layout by Studio Annelies Vlasblom, Amsterdam
Photography by Reinier Gerritsen
English translation by Crossover Translations

ISBN 978 90 8659 733 8

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by
any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording,
or otherwise, without the prior written consent of the publisher.

Maurice Crul, Jens Schneider and Frans Lelie

Super-diversity
A new perspective
on integration

VU University Press
Amsterdam

Maurice Crul holds the chair for Education and Diversity at the Free University in Amsterdam
and is a professor at Erasmus University in Rotterdam. He is a sociologist and known for his

comparative international research into the school and employment careers of the children

of migrants. His most recent comparative international research, which he is coordinating

together with Jens Schneider, focuses on successful young people of the second generation

and is called ‘Elites: Pathways to Success’.

Jens Schneider is senior researcher at the Institute for Migration Research and Intercultural
Studies at the University of Osnabruck. He is an anthropologist, and is known for his

research into national identity in Europe and Latin America.

Frans Lelie is the project manager of TIES: The Integration of the European Second
Generation and Elites: Pathways to Success. She has also edited related film projects and

publications.

“I am worse at what I do best, for this gift I feel blessed”
(Kurt Cobain, Nirvana)

This book is dedicated to my 91-year-old mother Ans Crul-Bos.
In her unique, inimitable way she taught me to approach everyone
without prejudice.

Maurice Crul

Preface

This book was written in the dark days of the Dutch coalition government of Rutte,
Verhagen and Wilders. It was a time during which one constantly had to explain
to foreign colleagues what had happened to the Netherlands. We are now in the
post-Wilders period; not because the Netherlands has changed, but because Wilders
committed political suicide. No party will risk entering into a coalition with his party
any time in the near future. Wilders seems to be losing his stranglehold on the inte-
gration debate, and the open wounds that his populist rhetoric inflicted on Dutch
society are slowly healing. However, no reply has been formulated to challenge his
vision. The polarisation that Wilders tried to bring about has left us with a strangely
empty, nauseous feeling. It is time to fill this emptiness with a new vision of integra-
tion. The actor Nasrdin Dchar was one of the first with the courage to publicly break
away from this path of exclusion when receiving his award for the film Rabat:

“This Golden Calf award stands for dreams. That it is important to dream (…..)
This calf also stands for overcoming fears, and unfortunately, the Netherlands is
afraid. We are being injected with fear. A few months ago, I read an article in which
Minister Verhagen stated that ‘the fear of foreigners’ is all too easy to understand;
well, Mr Verhagen and Geert Wilders along with you and all your supporters: I am
a Dutchman, and I am very proud of my Moroccan blood. I am a Muslim, and I’m
standing here with a frigging Golden Calf award in my hand. This calf stands for love.
Love and passion. Because without love and passion, this film would never have been
made.”

This book was also born of passion, but it would not have been possible without
generous subsidies from the King Baudouin Foundation in Belgium, The Orange
Foundation in the Netherlands and the Volkswagen Foundation in Germany. Our
German friends from the vw Foundation had also supported us earlier as major
sponsors of the ties study, an international study of the second generation in Europe
which provides the empirical basis for this book. The Expertise Centre for Higher
Education (echo), whose mission is to promote the participation of students with a
migrant background in higher education, hosted this project and as sponsor of the

chair for education and diversity of the main author, Maurice Crul, it has also been
closely involved with the creation and distribution of this book.

We are grateful to many people for their altruistic contribution to this project. In
particular, we would like to thank Miriyam Aouragh, Wim Willems, Mary Tupan-
Wenno, Jan Hoogeveen and Marjon Bolwijn for their illuminating comments and
suggestions for earlier versions of this book. Thanks to their efforts, this book’s
message comes across with greater clarity. We would also like to thank Semra Çelebi,
Serdar Manavoglu and Murat Isik for their moving personal contributions in the
form of the essays they have written for this book. Super-diversity also includes five
film portraits by Elsbeth Dijkstra and Frans Lelie. We would like to thank Elsbeth for
her contribution to this cinematic adventure, as well as the stars of these short film
portraits – Youness Bourimech, Bilinc Ercan, Muhammet Yilmaz, Miriyam Aouragh
and Halil Karaaslan – for their enthusiastic cooperation. Finally, we would like to
thank Annelies Vlasblom for her stunning graphic design work for Super-diversity,
and Jan Oegema of the vu University Press for his faith in this publication.

Content

Chapter 1 – A new perspective on integration 11

Tram 51 12
Integration in a city of minorities 14
New York: The second and third generation inherits the city 15
‘Eurabia’ 16
The paradox within the integration debate 18
Thinking outside the box 19
Future scenarios for the large European cities 20
Emancipation follows on from social mobility 23

Chapter 2 – Emancipation of the second generation 27

Hamburg 28
Paris 30
Rotterdam 32
Amsterdam 34
Brussels 36

Chapter 3 – Education as the key to emancipation 38

The fiasco caused by thinking ‘they won’t stay for long’ 38
The balance after fifty years of labour migration 39
Optimists versus pessimists 40
Progress in the second generation is crucial 41
Leaving school early 42
It doesn’t have to be this way! 45
Successful against all expectations 46
Punished for your low-educated parents 49
Snakes and ladders 52

Chapter 4 – Success in the labour market 54

From checkout girl to branch manager! 54
Differences between the countries with regard to positions
in the labour market 55
Stockholm 58
Amsterdam 58
Berlin 59
Emancipation through the job market 61
Working married women make the difference! 62
Discrimination in the labour market 64
Increasing unemployment 66
Ethnic underclass or modern yuppies 66
Emancipation of the second generation 67

Chapter 5 – Generation MiX 69

Iamsterdam 70
Interethnic friendships 73
The scenario of hope 76
The hinge generation 79
Future scenarios for the cities 82
The majority-minority city as opportunity 82

Four Essays – My Identity 85

Murat Isik 87
Semra Çelebi 95
Serdar Manavoglu 99
Maurice Crul 105

References 109

11

Chapter 1

A new perspective
on integration

The current debate on integration has reached an impasse. Multiculturalism has
been discredited as an idea, while at the same time, multi-ethnic cities have become
a reality everywhere. It is time for what the Dutch sociologist Justus Uitermark
coined a ‘post-multi-cultural strategy’ (Nicholls and Uitermark 2013). A new vision
of integration, offering an alternative to the policy of exclusion advocated by the
right-wing populists and to the tired old demands for migrants and their children to
assimilate. Our new vision is based on the emancipation of the second generation
(the children born in Europe to first generation migrants). We will show that socially
successful young people from this second generation represent the most progressive
forces within their own communities. It is they who are tackling the themes that have
brought multiculturalism under attack: gender equality and the right to decide about
your own sexuality. It is they who are fighting for the rights of girls to continue their
education, and they are breaking down the obstacles that have prevented women
from entering the employment market. They demand the freedom to choose their
life partner and the right to decide about their own sexuality.

A fundamental element of our argument is that progressive values will be embraced
as a result of social and economic advances, and not because people are forced to
assimilate. The power and energy that is emerging as a result of the emancipation
process which is underway within the second generation is the driving force behind
what we will call the scenario of empowerment and hope.

We will argue that in those European countries where the second generation is
receiving educational opportunities and equal treatment, developments are under-
way that will lead to a powerful and visible emancipation movement among the
second generation.

The most important question is therefore: where and under what conditions can
the emancipation of the second generation develop most effectively? Which context
provides the best environment for this emancipation? However, we must also ask:
where is the lack of social advance creating division and contributing to a negative

12

scenario? An important conclusion is that policy choices concerning education, the
labour market and housing can all help to steer towards a positive outcome.

Tram 51

I was waiting for tram 51 at the stop for the vu (Free University Amsterdam). This
tram, which travels straight through Amsterdam, represents a microcosm of our
new metropolitan society. Beside me stood a student wearing a green headscarf and
a black dress over her jeans, speaking Turkish into her smart phone. Once aboard
the tram, I could hear two boys behind me, both with short haircuts, speaking in
a mixture of Moroccan and Dutch. Just across the aisle, an African woman hold-
ing a little boy on her lap was struggling to keep the boisterous youngster in his
seat. Finally, an older Chinese woman, who had difficulty walking, headed straight
to the unoccupied seat beside the door. This tram journey through New West, Old
South and the Nieuwmarkt revealed a different type of urban diversity at each stop.
At Amstel station, two boys got off the tram, still discussing the business econom-
ics lecture they were about to attend at Amsterdam University of Applied Sciences,
which is located beside the station. The old Chinese woman got off at Nieuwmarkt
station, where her grandson was waiting for her on the platform. On arrival at the
last stop the energetic little boy impatiently dragged his African mother from the
tram towards Central Station.

According to data released by Amsterdam city council on 1 January 2011,
Amsterdam is one of the European cities destined to officially become what is known
as a majority-minority city, following in the footsteps of world cities such as New
York, Sao Paolo, Toronto and Sydney. Today, only 49.7% of Amsterdam’s population
is of native Dutch origin. The other half originates from no fewer than 176 coun-
tries. Partly thanks to a host of films and television series, we see New York as a
vibrant metropolitan melting pot. Everyone who has actually visited the city has
been fascinated by the diverse atmospheres in the distinct neighbourhoods which
together define the city’s cosmopolitan nature. European cities are slowly approach-
ing the same degree of diversity. Their main difference to New York is that in Europe,
there is a clear, ethnically defined majority group in the large cities. However, they
have already lost, or are soon about to lose, their numerical majority position. Soon,
everyone living in a large European city will belong to an ethnic minority group,
just as they do in New York. The speed at which European cities are changing and
the immense diversity of nationalities that populate these cities are unique in our
history. Historians like to remind us that the European cities and regions of the past
were also extremely heterogeneous. Examples of this include the cities in Germany’s

13

14

Ruhr region, to which Polish migrants flocked during the First World War and,
further back in time, Amsterdam, which became home to Huguenots from France
and Sephardic Jews from Spain (Lucassen 2005). However, never before have so
many people from so many different parts of the world come to western European
cities within such a short period. They have arrived in numbers which have, as is the
case with Amsterdam, turned the old majority groups into a minority in just two
generations.

Returning to the view offered by the culturally diverse travellers in the tram, it is
also clear that the old majority group has not been replaced by a single new majority
group. Those who are described as ‘allochthones’ in one country, as ‘migrants’ in
another, and as ethnic minorities in yet another, form an extremely heterogeneous
group. The cultural and social differences between them are often larger than their
differences to the old majority group. For example, there is a gigantic difference in
cultural and religious background between Ghanaian Amsterdammers and Turkish
Amsterdammers; you only have to visit a religious service of each of these groups to
realise that it is impossible to regard them as a homogenous group.

Never before has our urban population been so diverse in terms of culture, ethnic-
ity and religion. When you add the older distinctions of rich and poor or old and
young to this diversity, you arrive at the image of diversity reflected by the passengers
of tram 51. The result of this exponential increase in diversity has been described
by the American anthropologist Steven Vertovec (Vertovec 2007) with the striking
term ‘super-diversity’.

Integration in a city of minorities

Our ways of thinking about who is integrated and who is not will have to be radi-
cally adjusted in the light of the new majority-minority cities. In a society where
one group forms a clear majority, minorities are expected to adapt to the opinions
and customs of the dominant group. If there is no longer an ethnic majority group,
everyone will have to adapt to everyone else. Diversity will become the new norm.
This will require one of the largest psychological shifts of our time. Some members
of the old majority group will fiercely resist the loss of their dominant position. For
others, however, the city’s diversity will hold a powerful appeal.

But how can we imagine the idea that ‘everyone must adapt to everyone else’ in
concrete terms? Primary school is an environment where this new metropolitan
reality can already be clearly seen. The present-day primary school population in any
large western European city cannot be compared to that of thirty or forty years ago.
Children from the old majority group are already well in the minority at many prima-

15

ry schools, particularly those in older inner city neighbourhoods, or, depending on
the city, in suburbs where affordable housing can be found. Children from all ethnic
groups who are starting at such a school must integrate into the new diverse ethnic
reality. The challenge of feeling at home in such a super-diverse schoolroom will be
equal for all children, irrespective of their ethnic origin.

Another example from education illustrates the idea of ‘integration for everyone’
in more detail. Many higher education students of native parentage move from
small towns to the cities to study. They live in affordable neighbourhoods, where
many migrants and their children also live. These students of native Dutch parent-
age, coming as they do from more homogenous small villages and towns, experience
more integration problems, and logically feel less at home in their new neighbour-
hood than the ‘migrant’ youngsters who have lived there all their lives.

Many students of native parentage also live far away from their familiar network,
while youngsters of the second generation often have a close and extended network
of family and friends in their neighbourhood and city.

The idea of the “established person of native parentage” and “the newcomers of
migrant parentage” no longer applies in the big cities. In many neighbourhoods, the
young people of the second generation are more likely to be the ‘born and bred’
group than other young city dwellers from the old majority group (Crul et al. 2012).
Increasingly, these second generation youngsters form the most integrated group in
the city. They can be found on the street from an early age, and in the process they
make the neighbourhood and the city their own. From early childhood, the boys play
football in the squares and the girls, along with older residents, are the neighbour-
hood library’s most dedicated users. At secondary school, they expand their hori-
zons by finding a job in the supermarket or delivering pizzas on their motor scooters.
As students, they discover night life and the shops in the city centre. In Amsterdam,
the group that has lived longest in the city already consists of women of Moroccan
descent. This is an important starting point for a new vision regarding integration.

New York: The second and third generation inherits the city

The American researchers Phil Kasinitz, John Mollenkopf, Mary Waters and Jennifer
Holdaway gave their book on the children of migrants (the second and third genera-
tion) in New York an unambiguous title: ‘Inheriting the City’ (Kasinitz et al. 2008). In
New York, the second generation and their children will form the new majority and
‘inherit’ the city from the inhabitants who shaped it before them. New Yorkers are
well accustomed to rapid changes in population groups within their neighbourhoods,
in the subway travelling to work, and on the work floor. This is characteristic of the

16

city’s dynamic nature and, for New Yorkers, it is a fact of life. Each migrant group
has bequeathed the city a new cooking smell, a new skin colour and a new identity.
The migration history of their families is part of every New Yorker’s self-awareness.

If we look at the history of American cities though, we can see that this does not
mean that the old majority group (English Protestants) gave up its dominant position
just like that when the new migrants arrived. For example, at the beginning of the
last century, the Germans in Philadelphia and the Catholic Irish in Boston were vari-
ously and colourfully depicted as a threat to the English protestant way of life. East
European Jews were kept out of public positions and denied access to elite univer-
sities such as Harvard or Princeton for many years. Change only took place slowly.
For a long time, the wasp – White Anglo-Saxon Protestant – was seen as being ‘the
only real American’. Judaism and Catholicism only became part of the American
Mainstream after a long struggle (Alba et al. 2012).

The diversity of a city like New York provides us Europeans with an interesting taste
of the future. Cities like Paris, Berlin, Brussels and Amsterdam are rapidly develop-
ing in the same direction. With their much more developed welfare states, European
cities will create their own version of New York. At the same time, European cities
do not have the same open attitude towards migrants as do American cities. These
differences may mean that the second generation in European cities has more social
and economic opportunities, but they also pose specific social and cultural challeng-
es. In many European countries, members of the second and even third generation
are still referred to as ‘migrants’. It is much more difficult for the second generation
in the Netherlands to claim Dutch identity than it is for the children of migrants on
the other side of the Atlantic to feel American.

‘Eurabia’

This parallel with the history of American cities raises the question of who will inher-
it Europe’s major cities. Right-wing populist politicians in Europe are ever more
vociferous in their cries that ‘the Muslims’ are going to take over European cities
and islamise them. Authors holding such views use the term Eurabia to describe
this dystopia. They see Muslims as a threat to the ‘Judeo-Christian’ tradition, and
migrants and their children as the vanguard of an exploding ethnic socio-econom-
ic underclass. According to these modern prophets of doom, the cocktail of Islam
and the formation of an underclass is a ticking time bomb. Their dystopian visions
alternate between images of unemployed youth descending into crime and reducing
cities to a state of chaos and the image of young men hulled in djellabas and bran-
dishing the Koran, preaching hate against western society.

17

In the 1980s, labour migrants were the natural allies of the working class as far as
social democrats and socialists on the left were concerned. They represented the
modern embodiment of exploitation and oppression. You could say that this roman-
ticising blinded the ‘left’ to who the migrants actually were. To a certain degree,
this is expressed by Max Frisch’s famous sentence: ‘We asked for hands to do the
work, but we got people’. The new workers generally came from rural areas, were
religious, held traditional opinions about gender roles and were, as a rule, proud of
their origins. These were all values which were being abandoned to an increasing
degree by social democratic and socialist movements during this period.

At the same time, the post-war generation of left-wing intellectual writers,
academics and artists continued to stress the dangers of a belief in the superiority
of western civilisation, as a result of their determination that fascism should never
be allowed to rise again. Cultural relativism – the idea that all cultures and religions
are equal – became the foundation on which multiculturalism was based. Nurturing
understanding for, or at least requiring a degree of tolerance towards ‘non-western’
cultural and religious customs was the rule. This school of thought was increasingly
put to the test when some people, acting in the name of the same religious or cultur-
al customs, threatened the rights of other minorities (Kurds, Turkish Christians or
Aleviets), women or homosexuals. In fact, tolerance was asked for intolerance, all
in the name of multiculturalism. This seriously undermined support for the idea of
multiculturalism. Writers, politicians and academics (for example, Oriana Fallaci in
Italy, Alain Finkielkraut in France, Pim Fortuyn in the Netherlands and Thelo Sarazin
in Germany), members of the post-war left-wing intellectual generation, began to
express their uneasiness about cultural relativism in books and the opinion pages
of the media. A number of them went a step further by also engaging politically
with the right with their plea to defend ‘western’ values against conservative religious
Islam.

In the meantime, the crisis concerning multiculturalism has prompted the popu-
list right to seamlessly appropriate a number of traditional progressive emancipation
themes. They have embraced the rights of women and homosexuals as if they had
never held conservative views on these matters in the first place. This provoked the
following wry observation from a cynical commentator in Austria: ‘mit dem Islam
wir jetzt alle Feministen geworden sind!’ Dutch sociologist Halleh Ghorashi calls this
the culturalisation of the emancipation of migrant women (Ghorashi 2006).

18

The paradox within the integration debate

The paradoxical developments described above come together in Europe’s major
cities. Multiculturalism as an idea is under fire from both left and right, while in the
meantime, the city as a place consisting only of minorities is already becoming mani-
fest reality. In some cities, this demographic turning point has already been reached,
and it will happen in other cities within the next five to ten years.

What is the political response to this development? The answer from right-wing
populists is simple: this must not be allowed to happen. The flow of migration must
be stopped. The electoral gains of right-wing populist parties in many European
countries are an expression of support for this position. The solution that the right-
wing populists offer their supporters is, however, a spurious one: even if further
immigration were halted this instant, the present demographic make-up of the large
cities will inevitably lead to a majority of minorities. Right-wing populists deny this
reality. They have no answer to the question of how people from different back-
grounds can live together in this new reality.

Meanwhile, mainstream politicians advocate ever more vigorously the setting of
‘national norms and values’ with which ‘newcomers’ must comply. This call to assim-
ilation comes not only from conservative parties, but also increasingly often from
progressive politicians. They demand the adoption of progressive values such as
equality between men and women and the separation of church and state. But how
can the old majority group enforce such assimilation in everyday situations when
they have lost their numerical dominance? Two thirds of the young inhabitants of
the large cities already have an immigrant background. Seen from this perspective,
the increasingly loud clamour from mainstream politicians for assimilation often has
a hollow and populist ring. These calls do not represent any vision of what integra-
tion means in an increasingly diverse society; instead they look more like a desper-
ate attempt to counter the political rhetoric of right-wing populists. In practice the
result of these calls to assimilate is that an increasing number of citizens with a
migrant background feels excluded and unwelcome. These demands are becoming
ever more far-reaching. Nowadays, it is as if the second and third generation can
only be considered to be truly integrated if they repudiate their origins and renounce
Islam. Not surprisingly, this has provoked much anger and resistance among them.

19

Thinking outside the box

Political leaders, policy makers and researchers in different European countries
generally formulate their approach to integration within their own national concep-
tual framework. Integration practices just a few miles away across the border often
go unnoticed. This seriously limits thinking about successful integration practices.
To look beyond the border allows for a remarkably clear view. The Turkish second
generation is the most suitable group to identify successful practices. With more
than four million people, Turks are the largest group with a migrant background
in western Europe. They are an ideal group for international comparison because
they have settled in almost all western European countries in significant numbers.
Turkish immigrants are spread from Sweden and Norway in northern Europe to
France in southern Europe and Switzerland and Austria in central Europe.

Originally from small villages in central Anatolia, the shores of the Black Sea and
the Aegean coast, they were sent by recruitment agencies to the Volvo factories
in Stockholm, the mines in France and Belgium, the shipyards in Rotterdam and
Hamburg and the machine and car factories in Berlin and Amsterdam.

The children of Turkish migrant workers in Europe were born into broadly compa-
rable situations. The ways in which these different countries shaped their integra-
tion, however, varied significantly. By comparing young people whose parents have
comparable cultural and geographical backgrounds (migrants from Turkey) with the
same starting position (all born in Europe to parents with a very low average level of
education), we could gain valuable insights.

The differences in the results between countries are quite remarkable. In Sweden,
for example, six times as many of the Turkish second generation go on to higher
education than in Germany. In both cases they are the children of migrant workers,
who in some cases even came from the same villages, but in one country they are
studying to become engineers or accountants, while in the other, their chances of
entering higher education are practically non-existent. What are these two countries
doing differently?

In the following chapter we will show that ways of structuring education and
organising the transition to the labour market are the real reasons for these differ-
ences. The European countries take very varied approaches which, in practice, lead
to very varied outcomes. The fact that politicians, policy makers and researchers
continue to focus solely on their own country blinds us to important success stories
beyond our national boundaries. An international comparison can make successful
practices visible. Looking across borders like this gives us practical pointers that we
can use to develop a new perspective on integration.

20

Future scenarios for the large European cities

In his book ‘The Geo-politics of Emotion’, the French polit

Sociology homework help


SOC-449

Intake Interview Analysis Worksheet

In this section of the assignment, you will analyze the questions you will use to conduct the 5-10 minute mock intake interview of your client. The instructor will provide feedback on your answers below. Use this feedback to revise your intake interview questions before the mock interview.

[Keep in mind Phase I in the Helping Process (in Chapter 3 in Direct Social Work Practice) and obvious adherence to the NASW Code of Ethics when analyzing and revising your questions.]

Introduction- In this section, provide brief intake form information of the client (50-75 words):

Explain the engagement skills/questioning strategies you used when writing your questions (50-75 words):

How will you deal with a combative/passive client (read Chapter 18 in Direct Social Work Practices)? (40-50 words)

How will you handle any cultural personal biases that might arise during the interview? (40-50 words)

Explain your initial assessment of the client:

· What are the primary concerns or goals of the client?

· What are possible serious health or safety concerns that might require your attention or intervention?

· Describe any personal or family coping capacities, skills, values, motivations of the client.

· List some client strengths and weaknesses:

Explain the presenting problem and other possible identified problems of the client. (40-50 words)

Describe the cultural background of the client (20-40 words):

Describe any culture/subculture issues of the client (20-40 words):

Explain whether there are any social phenomena (behavior that influences or is influenced by the client) in this case (30-40 words):

Explain the effective physical attending behaviors you will use during the interview (30-50 words):

Explain the positive responses you will use to help move the interview forward (30-50 words):

Explain how you will show empathy and compassion during the interview (30-40 words):

List some possible measurable client goals you will suggest to the client:

Citing two scholarly sources (including the textbook), explain some possible intervention ideas-including any group type interventions you might suggest to the client and why you feel these ideas might help (150-200 words):

Describe a possible satisfying ending to the mock intake interview (100-150 words):

References

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Sociology homework help

Exercise 6 Need ½ page respond on each question

Book- Sex at work by Mari Florence

Exercise 6

 

6.1:  Summarize “The Subtle Stuff” discussed in Ch. 8 of the Florence text

        (pp. 291-300).

 

6.2:  Explain the various workplace gray areas that must be addressed

        (Florence, pp. 300-301),

 

6.3:  What is the significance of dress codes (Florence, pp. 300-301)?

 

6.4:  Discuss the defining issues differentiating the Anita Hill Case from

        the Paula Jones Case (Florence, pp. 302-305).

 

6.5:  Describe the origins of stereotyping (Florence, pp. 305-306).  How might

        an organization reduce this type of behavior?

 

6.6:  Evaluate the role of culture and religion in stereotyping based on gender

        specific behavior (Florence, pp. 306-307).

 

6.7:  Discuss the difference between the
legal
and
practical
views of sexual

        harassment as a form of discrimination (Florence, pp. 308-316).

 

6.8:  How might an organization use the concept of BFOQs to discriminate

        against women (Florence, pp. 316-318)?   Are you in favor of BFOQs?

        Justify your position.

 

6.9:  Explain the importance of “The Implied Mommy/Daddy Track” (Florence,

        pp. 318-321).  How involved should organizations try to become in the

        career plans of an entire family?  Explain your answer.

 

6.10: Study the section entitled “Sex, Lies, and Modest Behavior” in the

         Florence text (pp. 322-325).  What is the major message conveyed

         by the author in this section?

Sociology homework help

Week 5 response 3 449

Sandra Sotelo

Hello Professor and Classmates, 

According to Hepworth et al. (2016), A comprehensive assessment of the individual considers a variety of elements, including biophysical, cognitive/perceptual, affective (emotional), behavioral, and motivational factors, and examines the ways that these affect interactions with people and institutions in the individual’s environment.”

 

I will be assessing Valerie from “Getting back to Shakopee”:

 

Biophysical functioning: 

When assessing biophysical functioning the social worker must consider physical characteristics, health factors, and use of substances (Hepworth et al., 2016). Valerie appears to be dressed appropriately for the setting. She maintains a forward leaning posture with her arms on her legs and interlocks her fingers, fidgeting with her thumbs and sometimes with her feet. Valerie expresses that she has urges to drink again but has been sober for eighteen months however, it is becoming a struggle to do so. She expresses that she is only sleeping four hours a night, and feels tired and worn out during the day. She isn’t eating throughout the day and doesn’t feel like herself.   

Cognitive/perceptual: 

In order to understand why people behave the way that they do it is essential that we are knowledgeable about how they think as well as what influences them to think the way they do (Hepworth et al., 2016). Each person’s perceptions are uniquely different. Valerie initially presents as guarded and reserved. However, she is cooperative and inquisitive especially in regards to informed consent, mandatory reporting, and the social workers understanding of Native American culture.   

Affective (emotional):

Valerie displays a flat affect, not really changing facial expressions, using hand gestures, or changing her tone of voice. She does however, speak to things that have affected her emotionally such as being mad at her boss’s performance review and stresses due to her full house filled with extended family such as her son and his family as well as her own mother who is ill. She describes not feeling like herself being tired and worn out each day. She explains that she no longer dances at Pow Wows which was something she considered fun and felt good in the past. 

Behavioral:

Valerie struggles with her interpersonal relationships especially with her co-workers. She states that her boss considered her interpersonal communication with coworkers as unprofessional. In an example she provided, Valerie had a conflict with a coworker who demanded that she do her work for her. Assessments are useful in helping to find client behavioral deficiencies such as lack of certain skills and guide interventions to help the client acquire the skills and behaviors to function more effectively (Hepworth et al., 2016). For example, in this situation, some beneficial skills might include how to express feelings directly, engage in social conversation, listen to others, solve problems, and handle conflict (Hepworth et al., 2016).   

Motivational factors:

Valerie has been able to apply for a new position that would be a promotion including better pay which she is happy about as she did not qualify previously. She appears ambitious and states that she feels she deserves it. She feels respected and supported by the supervisor in the department she applied for. She has a friend/sponsor who she is able to confide in. She also mentions her connection to her culture and being able to pray to the Great Spirit and wants her “kids to be connected to their own cultural identity and the community and know who they are” (MindTap – Cengage Learning, n.d.).

 

It is essential that the case manager interprets the meaning of various client functions when developing a treatment plan as these elements can impact the client’s overall functioning positively or negatively. Ultimately, these functions would help the social worker better understand the client’s problems and what would need to occur in order to improve clients overall wellbeing. For example, they can help direct the treatment such as what interventions, tasks, or skills would be appropriate and useful for the client.  

Best, 

Sandra 

Hepworth, D. H., Rooney, R. H., Rooney, G. D., & Strom-Godfried, K. (2016). Direct social work practice: Theory and skills (10th ed.). Boston, MA: Cengage. ISBN-13: 9781305833803. 

MindTap – Cengage Learning. (n.d.). Getting Back to Shakopee [Video]. MindTap – Cengage Learning. https://ng.cengage.com

Sociology homework help

52 The concept of racism

Chapter 2

analytical concept. Using the concepts of racialisation, racism and exclusionary practice to identify specific means of effecting the reproduction of the capitalist mode of production, one is able to stress consistently and rigorously the role of human agency, albeit always constrained by particular historical and material circumstances, in these processes, as well as to recognise the specificity of particular forms of oppression.

Nationalism and racism: antithesis and articulation

It is sometimes said that butlers only truly exist in England. Other countries, whatever title is used, have only manservants. I tend to believe this is true. Continentals are unable to be butlers because they are as a breed incapable of the emotional restraint which only the English race is capable of. Continentals – and by and large the Celts, as you will no doubt agree – are as a rule unable to control themselves in moments of strong emotion, and are thus unable to maintain a professional demeanour other than in the least challenging of situations.

(Ishiguro 1990: 43)

INTRODUCTION

More than a decade ago, Tom Naim claimed provocatively that the theorisation of nationalism was one of the greatest failures of Marxism (1981: 329). It is not clear whether this charge, or world events themselves, were responsible for the subsequent flurry of theoretical writing on nationalism by writers who identify themselves in one way or another with the Marxist traditior. (e.g. Anderson 1983, Blaut 1987, Hobsbawm 1990, Nimni 1991).

Fortunately, most of these writers have avoided attempting to rectify this failure by seeking to imagine, on the basis of the scattered fragments and claims throughout the ‘collected works’, what Marx would have said if he had lived longer. While there is some value in identifying and reflecting on the nature of Marx’s theory of nationalism (Haupt et al. 1974, Cummins 1980, Connor 1984, Blaut 1987, Nimni 1991), such as it was (although to call it a theory is perhaps to exaggerate the significance of the fragments), its problems and contradictions, along with the political transformation of the world capitalist system in the past century, limit its

54 The concept of racism

Nationalism and racism: antithesis and articulation 55

utility in the light of contemporary realities. The theorising of the past decade (both Marxist and non-Marxist) has been especially concerned with the current significance of nationalism, but has also sought to trace its origins in the interstices of the historical development of capitalism or, in the case of the influential writing of Gellner (1983), in the transition from agrarian to industrial society.

The publication of these texts has been paralleled by an increasing interest in the nature and origin of nationalism on the part of writers concerned with the expression of contemporary racisms in Europe (e.g. Gilroy 1987, Balibar and Wallerstein 1991). In various ways, these writers have argued that the expression of contemporary racisms derives in part from the renewal and revision of nationalism which, in turn, is shaped by the consequences of decolonisation and of the internationalisation of capitalist production since the end of the Second World War. These arguments have led to discussion about the nature of the articulation of racism and nationalism expressed in the state’s attempt in western Europe to reconstruct hegemony at a time of social dis- and reorganisation of capitalist social formations.

Most of the recent Marxist attempts to construct a theory of nationalism refer to its articulation with racism, although only Anderson evaluates this articulation in any detail (1983: 141-54). However, Naim, in the course of his pioneering contribution to the analysis of English nationalism (see also Wright 1985, Colls and Dodd 1986, Newman 1987), offers a number of theses about the interrelated influence and role of racism which warrant consideration (Naim 1981: 273-8, 294). Although it is doubtful whether either Anderson or Naim would claim to have provided a systematic analysis of the articulation of nationalism and racism, each advances a number of theoretical and historical generalisations.

Anderson argues that nationalism and racism are antithetic ideologies (1983: 136): ‘The fact of the matter is that nationalism thinks in terms of historical destinies, while racism dreams of eternal contaminations, transmitted from the origins of time through an endless sequence of loathsome copulations: outside history.’ Furthermore, he rejects Naim’s view that racism derives from nationalism (Naim 1981: 337). But Naim fails to offer a coherent justification for this assertion, and most of his comments on the relationship between racism and nationalism focus on a single historical example, that is the role of racism in the expression of English nationalism since 1945. Naim’s analysis of this role concentrates primarily on the ideology articulated by, and the political impact of, a single politician (Enoch Powell). He maintains that racism has only a

limited potential for political mobilisation under the banner of a right-wing nationalism in England (1981: 276), and that the resort to racism in England results from the absence of the main mobilising myth of nationalism, an idea of ‘ the people’ as an active political subject (1981: 294-5, for a critique see Newman 1987). In other words, the expression of racism is a secondary substitute for the absence of a coherent, modem and bourgeois English nationalism.

  • advancing these claims, Naim and Anderson pay only cursory attention to the nature and history of racism. This contrasts with their considerably more detailed and analytically sophisticated consideration of the nature and history of nationalism. Partly for this reason, their comments on the interrelationship between nationalism and racism, despite their innovatory character, are problematic. While there are important differences in the nature and reproduction of the ideologies of racism and nationalism, their interrelationship is not as fixed as Anderson and Naim, in their different ways, suggest. Contra Anderson, I shall argue that nationalism and racism are not necessarily distinct and antithetical ideologies, while contra Naim, I shall argue that racism does not derive from nationalism as if it were some secondary, dependent and derivative ideological form.
  • the light of these arguments, I shall evaluate the influential claim that a ‘new racism’ has been invented (Barker 1981). Barker’s argument, while advanced within the Marxist tradition, was not intended to correct the historical failure identified by Naim concerning nationalism. Barker is silent about nationalism: hence, he makes no attempt to consider the extent to which the ‘new racism’ has drawn upon, or is expressive of, nationalism. In other words, he ignores the possibility of an articulation of nationalism and racism, largely because he has inflated the scope of the concept of racism so that it incorporates nationalism.

These arguments are supported by a more limited range of historical and empirical material than that employed by Anderson. But my disagreement is with one facet of his argument and I am in broad agreement with his central thesis. My method is closer to Naim, who makes a number of theoretical claims about the nature and origin of nationalism which are sustained primarily by a detailed analysis of the example of t