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English | Student Guide | Choose a Research Topic

Student Guide

Choose a Research Topic

Use this guide as you work through your lesson. The activity titles in this guide match the activity titles in the lesson. Let’s get started!

Lesson Introduction: Choose a Research Topic

In this lesson, you will choose a topic for your research paper. To accomplish this task, you will brainstorm ideas, pick one of them, and decide whether or not the topic is appropriate for the assignment. If the topic is too broad, you will narrow it.

Lesson Goals

Read the goals for this lesson.

Brainstorm and select a topic for your research paper.

Learn: Prewriting: Brainstorming

Follow the online instructions to complete the activity.

Learn: Brainstorming Topics

Use the on-screen guidance to help answer these questions. Then use your answers to develop a list of possible topics.

Questions for Brainstorming

Possible Topics

Learn: Choosing a Research Topic

Reread your list of possible topics. Underline the ones that look most interesting.

Do a quick online search of your favorites.

Is there enough information about the topic for a research paper?

If not, try another topic.

My choice of topic is

Answer:

Learn: Narrowing a Topic

Answer the chain of questions. There is no set number of questions you need to answer. You may find that you only need to ask the topic-narrowing question once—or not at all. Or you may need to ask it more than three times. (Add new lines if that is the case.) The number of levels doesn’t matter. What matters is that you end up with a good topic.

When you think you have arrived at a level that is specific enough to make a workable topic, draw a star beside the topic. This is the topic that your teacher will approve or not.

My broad topic area:

Answer:

What more in particular would I like to know about that topic?

Answer:

What more in particular would I like to know about that topic?

Answer:

What more in particular would I like to know about that topic?

Answer:

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American history homework help

Junct ion

THE S O U T H E R N L A N D S C A P E of 1880 bore the signs of the preceding
twenty years. Symmetrical rows of slave cabins had been knocked into a jumble
of tenant shacks. Fields grew wild because it did not pay to farm them. Children
came upon bones and rusting weapons when they played in the woods. Former
slaveowners and their sons decided which tenants would farm the best land and
which tenants would have to move on. Confederate veterans at the court house
or the general store bore empty sleeves and blank stares. Black people bitterly
recalled the broken promises of land from the Yankees and broken promises of
help from their former masters and mistresses. Everyone labored under the bur-
dens of the depression that had hobbled the 1870s. Men talked of the bloodshed
that had brought Reconstruction to an end a few years before.

Signs of a new South appeared as well, shoved up against the signs of the
old. At every crossroad, it seemed, merchants put up stores of precut lumber.
Hundreds of new towns proudly displayed raw red brick buildings and at least a
block or two of wooden sidewalks. Investors began to put money into sawmills,
textile factories, and coal mines. Young people of both races set out for places
where they could make a better living. Railroads connected the landscape, cut-
ting into clay banks, running across long sandy and swampy stretches, winding
their way through wet mountain forests. Enthusiastic young editors talked of a
“New South.”

Shifting borders surrounded this South. Southern accents echoed into Indiana,
Illinois, and Ohio; Northerners moved across the Kentucky and Arkansas lines;
immigrants came to Texas, Louisiana, and Mississippi; Southern farmers pro-
duced for Northern markets up the coastline or across the river. Despite these
porous boundaries, it seemed clear to most people that the South included the
eleven states of the former Confederacy, that Kentucky was a Southern state in
spite of its Civil War experience, and that the Southern mountains harbored a

CHAPTER ONE

3
Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’) href=’http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’ target=’_blank’ style=’cursor: pointer;’>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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4 The Promise of the New South

Bringing cotton to market in Dalton, Georgia, 1900.
(Duke University Library)

distinct, but distinctly Southern, region. West Texas and the southern tip of
Florida, by contrast, seemed empty and disconnected from the South’s history
of slavery and war.’

Soil, rivers, and climate determined whether counties would flourish or de-
cline, whether railroads and manufacturing would arrive, whether people would
come or leave. New technologies and techniques offered sudden hope to areas
that had been passed over for centuries, while districts that had long been at the
center of the South’s political and economic power lapsed into decay. Southern-
ers abandoned old homes and took up new ones within the region, well aware
of the different possibilities a hundred miles could make.

Vast plains stretched all along the South’s coast from Virginia to Texas, from
the Atlantic to the Gulf of Mexico. Tall pines, slow rivers, and swamps domi-
nated the landscape. Above the falls on the rivers, the Piedmont’s rolling hills
and quick waters promised healthy agriculture and vibrant manufacturing. North
of the Piedmont, the mountains and valleys of the Blue Ridge, the Cumberlands,
and the Alleghenies enfolded a complex landscape of swelling peaks, narrow
hollows, and fertile valleys; the Ozarks of Arkansas, far away from the other
highlands, resembled them in most respects. The central plateau of Kentucky
and Tennessee claimed farms good for livestock but unsuited for cotton.

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’) href=’http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’ target=’_blank’ style=’cursor: pointer;’>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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The subregions of the New South.

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’)
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6 The Promise of the New South

Number of black persons in 1870 and in 1910.

To the south of the Piedmont, a dark, narrow crescent called the Black Belt
cut across from South Carolina up through Mississippi. The home of the ante-
bellum South’s more lucrative plantations, the Black Belt declined in the New
South. The Mississippi River bisected the South from the tip of Kentucky, down
between Arkansas and Tennessee, between Louisiana and Mississippi to the port of
New Orleans. Rich soil and good transportation along the river’s shores beckoned
farmers of both races to build levees and clear the heavy growth of hardwoods.
Sparsely settled rolling uplands covered much of Arkansas, Louisiana, and Texas,
offering cheap lands for enterprising farmers to grow cotton. Southerners converged
on the Western prairies at the frontier of the South; by the turn of the century the
district has a high proportion of its land in cotton.2

Great disparities marked the nine subregions of the New South. Both coastal
plains contained thousands of square miles of sparsely populated land, while the
rural districts of the Piedmont and central plateau seemed crowded. Black South-
erners made up over two-thirds of the people in the Black Belt but accounted for
only about a tenth of those in the mountains and on the Western Prairies. New
settlers of both races rushed to the Atlantic and Gulf plains, the mountains, and the
prairies, while blacks shunned the Piedmont and the central plateau and whites
turned away from the Black Belt and the river counties. Thousands of new farms
grew up along the southern and western edges of the region even as tenancy en-
tangled the older districts.

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’) href=’http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’ target=’_blank’ style=’cursor: pointer;’>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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Junction 1

Quickly evolving systems of commerce heightened differences among places
and people even as the systems tied them together. Although railroads, stores,
and towns came into sudden prominence throughout the South, each place had
its own local chronology. Any given year would find some places in a buoyant
mood as a railroad approached or a new mill opened, while others, bypassed by
the machinery of the new order, fell into decline. The arrival of a railroad could
trigger many consequences: rapid population growth or population decline, a
more diversified economy or greater specialization, the growth of a city or the
death of small towns.3

Only a few events in the New South temporarily focused people on concerns
beyond their localities. Political changes provided major landmarks that defined
the period. The New South era began in the mid- and late 1870s when the bira-
cial and reformist experiment of Reconstruction ended and the conservative
white Democrats took power throughout the Southern states. Then, in the early
1890s, the largest political revolt in American history, Populism, redrew the
political boundaries of the South and the nation. Business cycles, too, created
common experiences across the South. The 1880s saw town and industrial growth
in the South but steady economic pressure on farmers. The 1890s began with a
terrible depression that lasted through half the decade, followed by a decade of
relative prosperity. Within these broad patterns, the people of the New South
lived lives of great variation and contrast.

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’) href=’http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’ target=’_blank’ style=’cursor: pointer;’>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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8 The Promise of the New South

Under Reconstruction, Republicans had hoped to form an alliance that would
include influential whites as well as former slaves. Some party leaders stressed
land redistribution while others emphasized the vote; some called for federal aid
to education and others demanded civil rights. For a while, the party managed
to hold together its alliance of former slaves, former Unionists, and former
Northerners, all dedicated to economic prosperity and equal rights for all South-
erners. But the difficulty of binding together a coalition across lines of race and
class constantly wore at the Republicans in the South; voters and leaders began
to defect in the face of enticement, animosity, violence, and defeat. The North-
ern wing of the party turned away from their Southern compatriots as it became
clear that Reconstruction was unpopular in the North and unlikely to succeed in
the South without protection and aid from outside.4

Conservative Democrats “redeemed” one state after another, as the Demo-
crats called it, driving Republican governments from power. Conservative gov-
ernments opposed to Reconstruction took over in Virginia in 1869, in North
Carolina in 1870, and in Georgia in 1871. Democrats regained dominance in
Texas in 1873, in Alabama and Arkansas in 1874, and in South Carolina and
Mississippi in 1876. Reconstruction’s final gasp came in 1877, when Congress
declared victory for the Democrats in contested elections in Louisiana and Flor-
ida.5

Redemption did not descend in a sudden rush of Democratic glory, but arrived
slowly, tentatively, awkwardly. Some counties remained in Republican hands
long after Democrats won neighboring counties, years after their state govern-
ment came under Democratic control. Some conservative Democrats compro-
mised with their opponents, reaching out for black voters, trying to pull oppo-
sition leaders into their ranks, offering appeals to Republican businessmen. In
other counties, the Redeemers took power through brute force, intimidating and
assaulting Republican officeholders and voters with random violence and the aid
of the Ku Klux Klan.6

Many of the Redeemer Democrats bore impressive pedigrees and could claim
distinguished service in the Confederacy. John Brown Gordon of Georgia, L. Q. C.
Lamar of Mississippi, and Wade Hampton of South Carolina embodied the Dem-
ocratic ideal of the citizen soldier determined to reclaim his homeland from in-
terlopers. In counties and states across the South white veterans with education
and property stepped forward to seize the power they considered rightfully theirs.
Under Democratic rule, they promised, political bloodshed would cease, race
relations would calm, the economy would flourish, and honor in government
would prevail.7

The Democratic Redeemers defined themselves, in large part, by what they
were not. Unlike the Republicans, the Redeemers were not interested in a bi-
racial coalition. The Democrats would not seriously consider black needs, would
not invert the racial hierarchy by allowing blacks to hold offices for which whites
longed. Unlike the Republicans, too, the Redeemers would not use the state
government as an active agent of change. Democrats scoffed not only at Repub-
lican support for railroads and other business, but also at Republican initiatives
in schools, orphanages, prisons, and asylums. Democrats assured landowning

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’) href=’http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’ target=’_blank’ style=’cursor: pointer;’>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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Junction 9

farmers that the party would roll back taxes. The Democrats saw themselves as
the proponents of common sense, honesty, and caution where the Republicans
offered foolishness, corruption, and impetuosity. The Democrats explained away
their own violence and fraud, both of which soon dwarfed that of Reconstruc-
tion, as fighting fire with fire. Democratic policies encouraged economic growth
not through active aid, as the Republicans had done, but through low taxes on
railroads and on farmland, with few restrictions on business and few demands
on government. Democrats realized, as had the Republicans, that railroads were
the key to economic growth in the last half of the nineteenth century.8

Watched over by friendly Democratic regimes, railroad companies worked fe-
verishly in the New South. From the end of Reconstruction to the end of the
century the South built railroads faster than the nation as a whole. Different lines
raced from one subregion to another, competing for key territories; by 1890,
nine of every ten Southerners lived in a railroad county. The construction of a
railroad touched people all up and down the track. “From New Orleans to Me-
ridian was a beehive of activity. Literally thousands of people were employed,”
a Mississippian recalled. “The women and children were busy producing vege-
table crops, chickens, eggs, milk and butter and the men were butchering and
delivering fresh meat and other supplies to the men working on the railroad. For
the first time there was a big market for what people could raise in this area.”
Other farmers worked to cut crossties from their land. “I believe the people as
a general thing are in better circumstances now than they have been in several
years,” Joe Vick wrote from Texas back to his aunt in Virginia; “one cause of
it I reacon is because there is a Rail Road building right through this neighbor-
hood and nearly every body has got afew dollars out of it.”9

The railroad crews lived in rough camps. “We have not as orderly a set of
men as may be imagined on the work,” a young man wrote to his parents with
considerable understatement. “They all carry pistols and yesterday there were
three men shot in one camp.” But the money was good. “Monday was pay day
amongst the railroad workmen between here and Eureka,” an Arkansas paper
noted, “and several thousand dollars were passed into the hands of the labor-
ers.”10

Charley White, a young section hand on a Texas railroad, discovered the
dangers of mixing ready money with the bawdy life of the railroad camp. Along
with his compatriots, White visited “Miss Minnie’s,” a whorehouse along the
line. He found “too much going on. Killing folks, and beating up, and slashing
with knives.” The attractions were considerable, though: “There was lots of
women there. All kinds. Some old, some young, some half-naked, some dressed
nice—just any type you wanted. “X)ne beckoned Charley to her room, but White
was scared. The brother of one of the hands who had been loitering around the
bunkhouse was “half eat up” with syphilis, terrible sores covering his entire
body. “Some of the other men had it too, but they wasn’t as bad off as he
was.” White decided to settle down: he met a nice young woman, “quit the
railroad and got me a job working at a sawmill.” n

Working on a train was dangerous. The record of accidents on one small line
Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’) href=’http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’ target=’_blank’ style=’cursor: pointer;’>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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10 The Promise of the New South

Railroads in 1870 and in 1890.

for one year gives some idea of the damage the railroad could inflict: “hand
crushed, collision, killed, collision, foot struck, hip hurt, struck by #24, leg run
over while switching and injury resulted in death, cut on head, finger cracked,
thumb cracked and finger broken, struck by bridge and killed, leg broken, fall
from train sustaining injuries resulting in death, found injured by side of road,
run over and killed, skull fractured, death resulted, son of Rev. J. W. Miller
killed, shoulder blade broken, run into No. 7 on middle track, hand crushed,
negro boy run over and head cut off, leg run over necessitating amputation,
wreck caused by broken wheel, killed.” Yet the railroad was surrounded by an
aura of glamour throughout the New South era. “All that they had said was true,
and much more. People were crowded and seemed to be excited,” the son of a
poor farmer recalled of his first trip to the “Big Terminal” in Atlanta. “Hundreds
of people, many of them hurrying, were pushing against each other, pages were
yelling names, a big Negro was calling stations for departing trains; train bells
ringing, steam escaping with strange and frightening sounds. . . . The strange
lights, the queer smell of things, and the soft, heavenly feel of the velvet that
covered the seats on the train, held us older children spellbound.”12

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’) href=’http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’ target=’_blank’ style=’cursor: pointer;’>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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Junction 11

Towns that finally saw the railroad reach them could barely contain themselves.
A small town in the Ozark Mountains of Arkansas exulted: “Harrison Is a Rail-
road Town At Last. The Construction Train Laid Yesterday the Steel Which Puts
us in Touch With the World,” proclaimed the headline of the local paper. The
editor reported that two thousand people thronged the streets, cannons boomed,
flags waved. The ice company expanded its electrical capacity, the town fathers
ordered the bandstand painted, local merchants began a new iron and stone
building, the Bradshaw Saloon received new fixtures, and the hotel even put in
bathrooms.13

In places lucky enough to have a railroad, the station often became the most
prominent feature of the landscape. Opelousas, Louisiana, got passenger service,
and “the landing place of the road is crowded every evening by the people of
the town. No one ever thinks of taking a walk in any other direction from that
leading to the railroad tracks.” The editor of the local paper thought he could
discern “a very great change” in the town’s citizens. “They are rapidly casting
aside their old rustic country ways and are becoming metropolitan-like in ap-
pearance and deportment.”14

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’) href=’http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’ target=’_blank’ style=’cursor: pointer;’>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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12 The Promise of the New South

Fat Nancy Trestle Disaster in Orange County, Virginia, 1888.
(University of Virginia Special Collections)

When the railroads found themselves and their passengers inconvenienced by
the old-fashioned way of keeping time—every town in the country basing its
own calculations on the passing of the sun and the turning of local clocks—it
became clear that time would have to be made uniform if the ever-growing rail
system was to operate efficiently and safely. In 1883 railroads took it upon them-
selves to divide the country into four time zones, and the railroad became the
arbiter of time as of so much else in the nation and in the South. “We consulted
the clock [only] when we had to catch a train, the clock’s strongest ally in
clamping down on the human race and holding it in a fixed and rigid rhythm,”
a South Carolina man recalled. Yet there was no guarantee the trains could
always adhere to their own standard. As residents of many hamlets and villages
on the smaller lines in the South discovered, the train “was seldom there when
the schedule said it would be, but occasionally it was, and they were amazed
and angry when they missed it.” The train, everyone came to realize, lived
according to a schedule that suited the system, the mechanism. The locomotive
passed through nearly a thousand Southern counties but it belonged to none of
them.15

Throughout the 1870s and early 1880s Southern railroad companies experi-
mented with ways to accommodate themselves to the different widths of track
between North and South; some used cars with especially wide wheels that could
operate on either the North’s narrow gauge or the South’s three-inch wider gauge,

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’) href=’http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’ target=’_blank’ style=’cursor: pointer;’>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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Junction 13

some used cars with adjustable axles, some used hoists to lift car bodies while
the trucks underneath were changed. All these methods proved cumbersome and
expensive, and so in 1885 the major railroads agreed to standardize nearly 13,000
miles of track of eccentric gauge, the great bulk of which lay in the South. The
move was all made on one day: Sunday, May 30, 1886. Frantic work crews
shoved thousands of miles of rail three inches closer together on that day. The
integration and improvement never ceased: steel replaced iron, spur lines reached
into ever more remote areas, new companies pushed aside those who got in the
way of the system.16

While some general stores had grown up at junctions on Southern railroads in
the 1850s, the clientele and impact of those stores had remained small. Slaves
could buy nothing, and small farmers, who spent most of their energy producing
for their household or local market, had little currency and little need for credit.
Most of the things small farmers could not import or make themselves—shoes,
harnesses, plows, hinges, nails—were crafted by local artisans, slave and free.
Farm women usually made their families’ clothes, sometimes with store-bought
gingham, but more often with homespun; slave women and mistresses did the
same work for plantation slaves. Infrequent purchases from local stores usually
involved staples such as salt, molasses, and coffee. Planters, whose business
depended on trade in international commodity and financial markets, often dealt
with factors in New York or London. The factor made purchases abroad on
behalf of their clients and shipped goods directly to the plantation.17

The situation changed after emancipation with the rapid emergence of country
stores in the late 1860s and early 1870s. National laws written during the Civil
War put most banks in the North and left stores to dispense the vast majority of
credit in the Southern countryside. With cash scarce, Southern legislators created
lien laws that allowed the use of unplanted crops as collateral for loans to get
cotton and corn into the ground. Because the few Southern banks had little in-
centive to lend either to small farmers or to rural stores, stores operated on credit
dispensed by wholesalers, who in turn obtained credit from manufacturers or
town banks. The stores increasingly stood at the center of the rural economy.18

Stores sped the reorientation of plantation-belt economic life. Many freedpeo-
ple, at the demand of their landlords, concentrated on growing cotton and aban-
doned their gardens; they turned to stores for everything they needed. Other
freedpeople, working for wages and having some say over how they would spend
their money, also turned to the store, eagerly purchasing symbols of their inde-
pendence. Many planters used plantation stores to wring extra profit from their
tenants, marking up goods substantially and doling out credit to keep tenants on
the farm throughout the season. Independent merchants established stores as well,
though, competing for the business of the freedpeople and white farmers. Both
planters and merchants took a lien on the unplanted crop of their customers as
security for the loan of goods and supplies. The lien proved a powerful political
and economic weapon for those who wielded it. In legislative and court battles
throughout the 1870s, planters and merchants scrambled for control over the crop
liens of small farmers. In some localities, planters and merchants made compro-

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’) href=’http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’ target=’_blank’ style=’cursor: pointer;’>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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14 The Promise of the New South

mises that allowed both to do business, sometimes working together; in others,
merchants decided there might be less competition in regions without powerful
landlords. They left for the upcountry.19

Upcountry merchants had already begun establishing stores of their own. Farms
outside plantation areas had been growing more cash crops even before the Civil
War, as railroads proliferated and as high cotton prices beckoned. The war had
temporarily halted cotton sales but they accelerated in the decade after Appo-
mattox. In the first years after the war, pent-up world demand raised the price
of cotton. Northern manufacturers and commission houses sent agents to drum
up business in the South; they met eager clients behind the counters. Hundreds
of new upcountry stores emerged to loan money, market crops, and make profits
from the rapidly spreading cotton economy.20

“Have you all felt the affects of the low price of cotton,” a son wrote his father
fifteen years into the post-Reconstruction South. “It nearly ruined us. I did not
get my house build. The farmers are very blue here. But getting ready to plant
cotton again.” Another farmer admitted that “I am holding my cotton, and it is
still going down. I do not know what to do, but I guess I will sail in the same
old channel.” From Texas one farmer wrote of himself and his fellow sufferers:
“I am afraid the Farmers will run the price of Cotton down to 4 cents again next
fall.”21

Asked how it was that Southern farmers fell into this cycle of futility, J. Pope
Brown, a cotton farmer himself, answered the question impatiently: “That was
by necessity, almost. You can not go into all of that. We were poor, had nothing
to go on, had no collateral, and we just had to plant the crop that would bring
money right away. We did not have time to wait.” In the immediate postwar
years farmers could count on cotton when they could count on nothing else; it
was easily grown by a farm family, nonperishable, in demand, seemingly prof-
itable, and easy to get credit for. The fertilizer brought by the railroads extended
the growing season in the upcountry and reduced the risks of growing cotton in
places beyond the plantation areas. By the 1880s, cotton production had spread
to thousands of new farms, into the upcountry of Georgia, Alabama, and South
Carolina as well as onto the Texas and Arkansas frontier. Through all the twists
and turns of Southern politics, through all the fluctuations of the volatile Amer-
ican economy, Southerners of both races grew more cotton.22

The farmers who pondered the problem of low cotton prices faced certain
insurmountable facts throughout the New South era. “There is one thing I want
to impress upon you,” a farmer testifying before a federal commission studying
the problem insisted. “Cotton is the thing to get credit on in this country. Ten
acres of cotton will give you more credit than 50 acres of corn. . . . You can
always sell cotton. You leave home with a wagon load of cotton and you will
go home that night with money in your pocket; you load up your wagon with
wheat or corn and come here with 100 bushels, and I doubt some days whether
you could sell it.” As a Texas newspaper pointed out, cotton “is practically a
sure crop. There is never a total failure even under very unfavora

American history homework help

Junct ion

THE S O U T H E R N L A N D S C A P E of 1880 bore the signs of the preceding
twenty years. Symmetrical rows of slave cabins had been knocked into a jumble
of tenant shacks. Fields grew wild because it did not pay to farm them. Children
came upon bones and rusting weapons when they played in the woods. Former
slaveowners and their sons decided which tenants would farm the best land and
which tenants would have to move on. Confederate veterans at the court house
or the general store bore empty sleeves and blank stares. Black people bitterly
recalled the broken promises of land from the Yankees and broken promises of
help from their former masters and mistresses. Everyone labored under the bur-
dens of the depression that had hobbled the 1870s. Men talked of the bloodshed
that had brought Reconstruction to an end a few years before.

Signs of a new South appeared as well, shoved up against the signs of the
old. At every crossroad, it seemed, merchants put up stores of precut lumber.
Hundreds of new towns proudly displayed raw red brick buildings and at least a
block or two of wooden sidewalks. Investors began to put money into sawmills,
textile factories, and coal mines. Young people of both races set out for places
where they could make a better living. Railroads connected the landscape, cut-
ting into clay banks, running across long sandy and swampy stretches, winding
their way through wet mountain forests. Enthusiastic young editors talked of a
“New South.”

Shifting borders surrounded this South. Southern accents echoed into Indiana,
Illinois, and Ohio; Northerners moved across the Kentucky and Arkansas lines;
immigrants came to Texas, Louisiana, and Mississippi; Southern farmers pro-
duced for Northern markets up the coastline or across the river. Despite these
porous boundaries, it seemed clear to most people that the South included the
eleven states of the former Confederacy, that Kentucky was a Southern state in
spite of its Civil War experience, and that the Southern mountains harbored a

CHAPTER ONE

3
Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
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4 The Promise of the New South

Bringing cotton to market in Dalton, Georgia, 1900.
(Duke University Library)

distinct, but distinctly Southern, region. West Texas and the southern tip of
Florida, by contrast, seemed empty and disconnected from the South’s history
of slavery and war.’

Soil, rivers, and climate determined whether counties would flourish or de-
cline, whether railroads and manufacturing would arrive, whether people would
come or leave. New technologies and techniques offered sudden hope to areas
that had been passed over for centuries, while districts that had long been at the
center of the South’s political and economic power lapsed into decay. Southern-
ers abandoned old homes and took up new ones within the region, well aware
of the different possibilities a hundred miles could make.

Vast plains stretched all along the South’s coast from Virginia to Texas, from
the Atlantic to the Gulf of Mexico. Tall pines, slow rivers, and swamps domi-
nated the landscape. Above the falls on the rivers, the Piedmont’s rolling hills
and quick waters promised healthy agriculture and vibrant manufacturing. North
of the Piedmont, the mountains and valleys of the Blue Ridge, the Cumberlands,
and the Alleghenies enfolded a complex landscape of swelling peaks, narrow
hollows, and fertile valleys; the Ozarks of Arkansas, far away from the other
highlands, resembled them in most respects. The central plateau of Kentucky
and Tennessee claimed farms good for livestock but unsuited for cotton.

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
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The subregions of the New South.

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’)
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6 The Promise of the New South

Number of black persons in 1870 and in 1910.

To the south of the Piedmont, a dark, narrow crescent called the Black Belt
cut across from South Carolina up through Mississippi. The home of the ante-
bellum South’s more lucrative plantations, the Black Belt declined in the New
South. The Mississippi River bisected the South from the tip of Kentucky, down
between Arkansas and Tennessee, between Louisiana and Mississippi to the port of
New Orleans. Rich soil and good transportation along the river’s shores beckoned
farmers of both races to build levees and clear the heavy growth of hardwoods.
Sparsely settled rolling uplands covered much of Arkansas, Louisiana, and Texas,
offering cheap lands for enterprising farmers to grow cotton. Southerners converged
on the Western prairies at the frontier of the South; by the turn of the century the
district has a high proportion of its land in cotton.2

Great disparities marked the nine subregions of the New South. Both coastal
plains contained thousands of square miles of sparsely populated land, while the
rural districts of the Piedmont and central plateau seemed crowded. Black South-
erners made up over two-thirds of the people in the Black Belt but accounted for
only about a tenth of those in the mountains and on the Western Prairies. New
settlers of both races rushed to the Atlantic and Gulf plains, the mountains, and the
prairies, while blacks shunned the Piedmont and the central plateau and whites
turned away from the Black Belt and the river counties. Thousands of new farms
grew up along the southern and western edges of the region even as tenancy en-
tangled the older districts.

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
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Junction 1

Quickly evolving systems of commerce heightened differences among places
and people even as the systems tied them together. Although railroads, stores,
and towns came into sudden prominence throughout the South, each place had
its own local chronology. Any given year would find some places in a buoyant
mood as a railroad approached or a new mill opened, while others, bypassed by
the machinery of the new order, fell into decline. The arrival of a railroad could
trigger many consequences: rapid population growth or population decline, a
more diversified economy or greater specialization, the growth of a city or the
death of small towns.3

Only a few events in the New South temporarily focused people on concerns
beyond their localities. Political changes provided major landmarks that defined
the period. The New South era began in the mid- and late 1870s when the bira-
cial and reformist experiment of Reconstruction ended and the conservative
white Democrats took power throughout the Southern states. Then, in the early
1890s, the largest political revolt in American history, Populism, redrew the
political boundaries of the South and the nation. Business cycles, too, created
common experiences across the South. The 1880s saw town and industrial growth
in the South but steady economic pressure on farmers. The 1890s began with a
terrible depression that lasted through half the decade, followed by a decade of
relative prosperity. Within these broad patterns, the people of the New South
lived lives of great variation and contrast.

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
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8 The Promise of the New South

Under Reconstruction, Republicans had hoped to form an alliance that would
include influential whites as well as former slaves. Some party leaders stressed
land redistribution while others emphasized the vote; some called for federal aid
to education and others demanded civil rights. For a while, the party managed
to hold together its alliance of former slaves, former Unionists, and former
Northerners, all dedicated to economic prosperity and equal rights for all South-
erners. But the difficulty of binding together a coalition across lines of race and
class constantly wore at the Republicans in the South; voters and leaders began
to defect in the face of enticement, animosity, violence, and defeat. The North-
ern wing of the party turned away from their Southern compatriots as it became
clear that Reconstruction was unpopular in the North and unlikely to succeed in
the South without protection and aid from outside.4

Conservative Democrats “redeemed” one state after another, as the Demo-
crats called it, driving Republican governments from power. Conservative gov-
ernments opposed to Reconstruction took over in Virginia in 1869, in North
Carolina in 1870, and in Georgia in 1871. Democrats regained dominance in
Texas in 1873, in Alabama and Arkansas in 1874, and in South Carolina and
Mississippi in 1876. Reconstruction’s final gasp came in 1877, when Congress
declared victory for the Democrats in contested elections in Louisiana and Flor-
ida.5

Redemption did not descend in a sudden rush of Democratic glory, but arrived
slowly, tentatively, awkwardly. Some counties remained in Republican hands
long after Democrats won neighboring counties, years after their state govern-
ment came under Democratic control. Some conservative Democrats compro-
mised with their opponents, reaching out for black voters, trying to pull oppo-
sition leaders into their ranks, offering appeals to Republican businessmen. In
other counties, the Redeemers took power through brute force, intimidating and
assaulting Republican officeholders and voters with random violence and the aid
of the Ku Klux Klan.6

Many of the Redeemer Democrats bore impressive pedigrees and could claim
distinguished service in the Confederacy. John Brown Gordon of Georgia, L. Q. C.
Lamar of Mississippi, and Wade Hampton of South Carolina embodied the Dem-
ocratic ideal of the citizen soldier determined to reclaim his homeland from in-
terlopers. In counties and states across the South white veterans with education
and property stepped forward to seize the power they considered rightfully theirs.
Under Democratic rule, they promised, political bloodshed would cease, race
relations would calm, the economy would flourish, and honor in government
would prevail.7

The Democratic Redeemers defined themselves, in large part, by what they
were not. Unlike the Republicans, the Redeemers were not interested in a bi-
racial coalition. The Democrats would not seriously consider black needs, would
not invert the racial hierarchy by allowing blacks to hold offices for which whites
longed. Unlike the Republicans, too, the Redeemers would not use the state
government as an active agent of change. Democrats scoffed not only at Repub-
lican support for railroads and other business, but also at Republican initiatives
in schools, orphanages, prisons, and asylums. Democrats assured landowning

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’) href=’http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’ target=’_blank’ style=’cursor: pointer;’>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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Junction 9

farmers that the party would roll back taxes. The Democrats saw themselves as
the proponents of common sense, honesty, and caution where the Republicans
offered foolishness, corruption, and impetuosity. The Democrats explained away
their own violence and fraud, both of which soon dwarfed that of Reconstruc-
tion, as fighting fire with fire. Democratic policies encouraged economic growth
not through active aid, as the Republicans had done, but through low taxes on
railroads and on farmland, with few restrictions on business and few demands
on government. Democrats realized, as had the Republicans, that railroads were
the key to economic growth in the last half of the nineteenth century.8

Watched over by friendly Democratic regimes, railroad companies worked fe-
verishly in the New South. From the end of Reconstruction to the end of the
century the South built railroads faster than the nation as a whole. Different lines
raced from one subregion to another, competing for key territories; by 1890,
nine of every ten Southerners lived in a railroad county. The construction of a
railroad touched people all up and down the track. “From New Orleans to Me-
ridian was a beehive of activity. Literally thousands of people were employed,”
a Mississippian recalled. “The women and children were busy producing vege-
table crops, chickens, eggs, milk and butter and the men were butchering and
delivering fresh meat and other supplies to the men working on the railroad. For
the first time there was a big market for what people could raise in this area.”
Other farmers worked to cut crossties from their land. “I believe the people as
a general thing are in better circumstances now than they have been in several
years,” Joe Vick wrote from Texas back to his aunt in Virginia; “one cause of
it I reacon is because there is a Rail Road building right through this neighbor-
hood and nearly every body has got afew dollars out of it.”9

The railroad crews lived in rough camps. “We have not as orderly a set of
men as may be imagined on the work,” a young man wrote to his parents with
considerable understatement. “They all carry pistols and yesterday there were
three men shot in one camp.” But the money was good. “Monday was pay day
amongst the railroad workmen between here and Eureka,” an Arkansas paper
noted, “and several thousand dollars were passed into the hands of the labor-
ers.”10

Charley White, a young section hand on a Texas railroad, discovered the
dangers of mixing ready money with the bawdy life of the railroad camp. Along
with his compatriots, White visited “Miss Minnie’s,” a whorehouse along the
line. He found “too much going on. Killing folks, and beating up, and slashing
with knives.” The attractions were considerable, though: “There was lots of
women there. All kinds. Some old, some young, some half-naked, some dressed
nice—just any type you wanted. “X)ne beckoned Charley to her room, but White
was scared. The brother of one of the hands who had been loitering around the
bunkhouse was “half eat up” with syphilis, terrible sores covering his entire
body. “Some of the other men had it too, but they wasn’t as bad off as he
was.” White decided to settle down: he met a nice young woman, “quit the
railroad and got me a job working at a sawmill.” n

Working on a train was dangerous. The record of accidents on one small line
Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’) href=’http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’ target=’_blank’ style=’cursor: pointer;’>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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10 The Promise of the New South

Railroads in 1870 and in 1890.

for one year gives some idea of the damage the railroad could inflict: “hand
crushed, collision, killed, collision, foot struck, hip hurt, struck by #24, leg run
over while switching and injury resulted in death, cut on head, finger cracked,
thumb cracked and finger broken, struck by bridge and killed, leg broken, fall
from train sustaining injuries resulting in death, found injured by side of road,
run over and killed, skull fractured, death resulted, son of Rev. J. W. Miller
killed, shoulder blade broken, run into No. 7 on middle track, hand crushed,
negro boy run over and head cut off, leg run over necessitating amputation,
wreck caused by broken wheel, killed.” Yet the railroad was surrounded by an
aura of glamour throughout the New South era. “All that they had said was true,
and much more. People were crowded and seemed to be excited,” the son of a
poor farmer recalled of his first trip to the “Big Terminal” in Atlanta. “Hundreds
of people, many of them hurrying, were pushing against each other, pages were
yelling names, a big Negro was calling stations for departing trains; train bells
ringing, steam escaping with strange and frightening sounds. . . . The strange
lights, the queer smell of things, and the soft, heavenly feel of the velvet that
covered the seats on the train, held us older children spellbound.”12

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’) href=’http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’ target=’_blank’ style=’cursor: pointer;’>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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Junction 11

Towns that finally saw the railroad reach them could barely contain themselves.
A small town in the Ozark Mountains of Arkansas exulted: “Harrison Is a Rail-
road Town At Last. The Construction Train Laid Yesterday the Steel Which Puts
us in Touch With the World,” proclaimed the headline of the local paper. The
editor reported that two thousand people thronged the streets, cannons boomed,
flags waved. The ice company expanded its electrical capacity, the town fathers
ordered the bandstand painted, local merchants began a new iron and stone
building, the Bradshaw Saloon received new fixtures, and the hotel even put in
bathrooms.13

In places lucky enough to have a railroad, the station often became the most
prominent feature of the landscape. Opelousas, Louisiana, got passenger service,
and “the landing place of the road is crowded every evening by the people of
the town. No one ever thinks of taking a walk in any other direction from that
leading to the railroad tracks.” The editor of the local paper thought he could
discern “a very great change” in the town’s citizens. “They are rapidly casting
aside their old rustic country ways and are becoming metropolitan-like in ap-
pearance and deportment.”14

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’) href=’http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’ target=’_blank’ style=’cursor: pointer;’>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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12 The Promise of the New South

Fat Nancy Trestle Disaster in Orange County, Virginia, 1888.
(University of Virginia Special Collections)

When the railroads found themselves and their passengers inconvenienced by
the old-fashioned way of keeping time—every town in the country basing its
own calculations on the passing of the sun and the turning of local clocks—it
became clear that time would have to be made uniform if the ever-growing rail
system was to operate efficiently and safely. In 1883 railroads took it upon them-
selves to divide the country into four time zones, and the railroad became the
arbiter of time as of so much else in the nation and in the South. “We consulted
the clock [only] when we had to catch a train, the clock’s strongest ally in
clamping down on the human race and holding it in a fixed and rigid rhythm,”
a South Carolina man recalled. Yet there was no guarantee the trains could
always adhere to their own standard. As residents of many hamlets and villages
on the smaller lines in the South discovered, the train “was seldom there when
the schedule said it would be, but occasionally it was, and they were amazed
and angry when they missed it.” The train, everyone came to realize, lived
according to a schedule that suited the system, the mechanism. The locomotive
passed through nearly a thousand Southern counties but it belonged to none of
them.15

Throughout the 1870s and early 1880s Southern railroad companies experi-
mented with ways to accommodate themselves to the different widths of track
between North and South; some used cars with especially wide wheels that could
operate on either the North’s narrow gauge or the South’s three-inch wider gauge,

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
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Junction 13

some used cars with adjustable axles, some used hoists to lift car bodies while
the trucks underneath were changed. All these methods proved cumbersome and
expensive, and so in 1885 the major railroads agreed to standardize nearly 13,000
miles of track of eccentric gauge, the great bulk of which lay in the South. The
move was all made on one day: Sunday, May 30, 1886. Frantic work crews
shoved thousands of miles of rail three inches closer together on that day. The
integration and improvement never ceased: steel replaced iron, spur lines reached
into ever more remote areas, new companies pushed aside those who got in the
way of the system.16

While some general stores had grown up at junctions on Southern railroads in
the 1850s, the clientele and impact of those stores had remained small. Slaves
could buy nothing, and small farmers, who spent most of their energy producing
for their household or local market, had little currency and little need for credit.
Most of the things small farmers could not import or make themselves—shoes,
harnesses, plows, hinges, nails—were crafted by local artisans, slave and free.
Farm women usually made their families’ clothes, sometimes with store-bought
gingham, but more often with homespun; slave women and mistresses did the
same work for plantation slaves. Infrequent purchases from local stores usually
involved staples such as salt, molasses, and coffee. Planters, whose business
depended on trade in international commodity and financial markets, often dealt
with factors in New York or London. The factor made purchases abroad on
behalf of their clients and shipped goods directly to the plantation.17

The situation changed after emancipation with the rapid emergence of country
stores in the late 1860s and early 1870s. National laws written during the Civil
War put most banks in the North and left stores to dispense the vast majority of
credit in the Southern countryside. With cash scarce, Southern legislators created
lien laws that allowed the use of unplanted crops as collateral for loans to get
cotton and corn into the ground. Because the few Southern banks had little in-
centive to lend either to small farmers or to rural stores, stores operated on credit
dispensed by wholesalers, who in turn obtained credit from manufacturers or
town banks. The stores increasingly stood at the center of the rural economy.18

Stores sped the reorientation of plantation-belt economic life. Many freedpeo-
ple, at the demand of their landlords, concentrated on growing cotton and aban-
doned their gardens; they turned to stores for everything they needed. Other
freedpeople, working for wages and having some say over how they would spend
their money, also turned to the store, eagerly purchasing symbols of their inde-
pendence. Many planters used plantation stores to wring extra profit from their
tenants, marking up goods substantially and doling out credit to keep tenants on
the farm throughout the season. Independent merchants established stores as well,
though, competing for the business of the freedpeople and white farmers. Both
planters and merchants took a lien on the unplanted crop of their customers as
security for the loan of goods and supplies. The lien proved a powerful political
and economic weapon for those who wielded it. In legislative and court battles
throughout the 1870s, planters and merchants scrambled for control over the crop
liens of small farmers. In some localities, planters and merchants made compro-

Ayers, E. L. (2007). The promise of the new south : Life after reconstruction – 15th anniversary edition. ProQuest
Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’) href=’http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’ target=’_blank’ style=’cursor: pointer;’>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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14 The Promise of the New South

mises that allowed both to do business, sometimes working together; in others,
merchants decided there might be less competition in regions without powerful
landlords. They left for the upcountry.19

Upcountry merchants had already begun establishing stores of their own. Farms
outside plantation areas had been growing more cash crops even before the Civil
War, as railroads proliferated and as high cotton prices beckoned. The war had
temporarily halted cotton sales but they accelerated in the decade after Appo-
mattox. In the first years after the war, pent-up world demand raised the price
of cotton. Northern manufacturers and commission houses sent agents to drum
up business in the South; they met eager clients behind the counters. Hundreds
of new upcountry stores emerged to loan money, market crops, and make profits
from the rapidly spreading cotton economy.20

“Have you all felt the affects of the low price of cotton,” a son wrote his father
fifteen years into the post-Reconstruction South. “It nearly ruined us. I did not
get my house build. The farmers are very blue here. But getting ready to plant
cotton again.” Another farmer admitted that “I am holding my cotton, and it is
still going down. I do not know what to do, but I guess I will sail in the same
old channel.” From Texas one farmer wrote of himself and his fellow sufferers:
“I am afraid the Farmers will run the price of Cotton down to 4 cents again next
fall.”21

Asked how it was that Southern farmers fell into this cycle of futility, J. Pope
Brown, a cotton farmer himself, answered the question impatiently: “That was
by necessity, almost. You can not go into all of that. We were poor, had nothing
to go on, had no collateral, and we just had to plant the crop that would bring
money right away. We did not have time to wait.” In the immediate postwar
years farmers could count on cotton when they could count on nothing else; it
was easily grown by a farm family, nonperishable, in demand, seemingly prof-
itable, and easy to get credit for. The fertilizer brought by the railroads extended
the growing season in the upcountry and reduced the risks of growing cotton in
places beyond the plantation areas. By the 1880s, cotton production had spread
to thousands of new farms, into the upcountry of Georgia, Alabama, and South
Carolina as well as onto the Texas and Arkansas frontier. Through all the twists
and turns of Southern politics, through all the fluctuations of the volatile Amer-
ican economy, Southerners of both races grew more cotton.22

The farmers who pondered the problem of low cotton prices faced certain
insurmountable facts throughout the New South era. “There is one thing I want
to impress upon you,” a farmer testifying before a federal commission studying
the problem insisted. “Cotton is the thing to get credit on in this country. Ten
acres of cotton will give you more credit than 50 acres of corn. . . . You can
always sell cotton. You leave home with a wagon load of cotton and you will
go home that night with money in your pocket; you load up your wagon with
wheat or corn and come here with 100 bushels, and I doubt some days whether
you could sell it.” As a Texas newspaper pointed out, cotton “is practically a
sure crop. There is never a total failure even under very unfavora

American history homework help

Payers’ Influence on the Health Care Industry

Private insurance companies as well as the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) have great influence over vital aspects of health insurance coverage in the United States. These third-party payers take on the responsibility to help improve a health insurance market undergoing a great deal of change right now.

In a three-page essay, answer the questions listed below.

· What are the new programs and initiatives that commercial insurance companies and the government are creating in order to help curb the rising cost of health care? Discuss these initiatives.

· How are these third-party payers impacting pricing in the health insurance industry?

· In your opinion, what are some strategies that could be utilized to help better control costs as well as reduce fraud and waste in the medical industry?

Be sure to include an introduction for your essay. This essay must be at least three pages in length and be double-spaced. You are required to use at least one outside source. Please adhere to APA Style when creating citations and references for this assignment. APA formatting, however, is not necessary.


American history homework help

Take Test: Unit VI Assessment

 

Top of Form




Test Information

Expand Question Completion Status:

QUESTION 1

1. Match each writer with the document he or she authored.

                                                                        

Thomas Aquinas

                                                                        

Geoffrey Chaucer

                                                                        

William the Conqueror

                                                                        

Hroswitha of Gandersheim

                                                                        

Hildegard of Bingen

A.

Causa et Curae

B.

The Deeds of Otto

C.

Summa Theologica

D.

The Domesday Book

E.

The Canterbury Tales

F.

Reconquista

20 points   

QUESTION 2

1. Match each term to its definition.

                                                                        

Magna Carta

                                                                        

Common Law

                                                                        

Canon Law

                                                                        

Compagnie

                                                                        

Sumptuary Laws

A.

Church law and court system

B.

Charter granting rights to barons, clergy, and merchants of London

C.

Trial by ordeal

D.

Laws regulating clothing and jewelry value by social level

E.

Concept of legal precedent developed by Henry II’s circuit judges

F.

Contracts for land and sea trading ventures and permanent partnerships

20 points   

QUESTION 3

1. Match each person to the policy he created.

                                                                        

Boniface VIII

                                                                        

Innocent III

                                                                        

Gregory VII

                                                                        

Frederick II

                                                                        

Leo IX

A.

Unam Sanctam

B.

Primogeniture

C.

Transubstantiation

D.

Religious tolerance in the Kingdom of Sicily

E.

Dismissal of wives of clergy

F.

Excommunication for simony

20 points   

QUESTION 4

1. Select an artifact that dates from between 1000–1300 C.E.; artifacts may include written works, laws, codes, buildings, maps, art, rituals, dance, holidays, and so on. First identify and then explain your choice of artifact, including how it reflects the character of this period, and support this with examples of a political, economic, or religious development. Provide a URL to your artifact (or page number if you use the textbook).

Your response must be at least 300 words in length.

For the toolbar, press ALT+F10 (PC) or ALT+FN+F10 (Mac).

Paragraph

Open Sans,sans-serif

10pt

P

0 WORDS
POWERED BY TINY

40 points   

Click Save and Submit to save and submit. Click Save All Answers to save all answers.

 

Bottom of Form

American history homework help

Name:

Date:

English | Graded Assignment | Research Paper Planning Assignment

© Stride, Inc. or its affiliates. All rights reserved. No reproduction without written consent of Stride, Inc. Page 1 of 1

Graded Assignment

Research Paper Planning Assignment

Write the outline of your research paper below. The outline should begin with the title of your paper and your thesis statement. You should complete this assignment and submit it to your teacher when you finish the Develop an Outline lesson in this unit.

Total score: ____ of 30 points

(Score for Question 1: ___ of 5 points)

Write a title for your paper that clearly states the topic.

Answer:

Type your answer here.

(Score for Question 2: ___ of 10 points)

Write your thesis statement. Your thesis should state a fact about history and state your idea about the fact.

Answer:

Type your answer here.

(Score for Question 3: ___ of 15 points)

Develop a formal outline for your paper. Use the Making Formal Outlines sheet as a guide for structuring your content. Your outline should demonstrate that you have completed adequate research and have a grasp of the content. Your ideas should be clearly organized in a logical manner.

Answer:

Type your answer here.

American history homework help

Take Test: Unit VI Assessment

 

Top of Form




Test Information

Expand Question Completion Status:

QUESTION 1

1. Match each writer with the document he or she authored.

                                                                        

Thomas Aquinas

                                                                        

Geoffrey Chaucer

                                                                        

William the Conqueror

                                                                        

Hroswitha of Gandersheim

                                                                        

Hildegard of Bingen

A.

Causa et Curae

B.

The Deeds of Otto

C.

Summa Theologica

D.

The Domesday Book

E.

The Canterbury Tales

F.

Reconquista

20 points   

QUESTION 2

1. Match each term to its definition.

                                                                        

Magna Carta

                                                                        

Common Law

                                                                        

Canon Law

                                                                        

Compagnie

                                                                        

Sumptuary Laws

A.

Church law and court system

B.

Charter granting rights to barons, clergy, and merchants of London

C.

Trial by ordeal

D.

Laws regulating clothing and jewelry value by social level

E.

Concept of legal precedent developed by Henry II’s circuit judges

F.

Contracts for land and sea trading ventures and permanent partnerships

20 points   

QUESTION 3

1. Match each person to the policy he created.

                                                                        

Boniface VIII

                                                                        

Innocent III

                                                                        

Gregory VII

                                                                        

Frederick II

                                                                        

Leo IX

A.

Unam Sanctam

B.

Primogeniture

C.

Transubstantiation

D.

Religious tolerance in the Kingdom of Sicily

E.

Dismissal of wives of clergy

F.

Excommunication for simony

20 points   

QUESTION 4

1. Select an artifact that dates from between 1000–1300 C.E.; artifacts may include written works, laws, codes, buildings, maps, art, rituals, dance, holidays, and so on. First identify and then explain your choice of artifact, including how it reflects the character of this period, and support this with examples of a political, economic, or religious development. Provide a URL to your artifact (or page number if you use the textbook).

Your response must be at least 300 words in length.

For the toolbar, press ALT+F10 (PC) or ALT+FN+F10 (Mac).

Paragraph

Open Sans,sans-serif

10pt

P

0 WORDS
POWERED BY TINY

40 points   

Click Save and Submit to save and submit. Click Save All Answers to save all answers.

 

Bottom of Form

American history homework help

Explain how the economic and ecological situations from the late 1920s-late 1930s shaped the experiences of the people living in and leaving the Great Plains.

Students will integrate information from a total of three primary and secondary sources and communicate a coherent understanding of the Great Depression and the Dust Bowl.

Cite your sources by simply referring to the person, activity, resource, or historian from videos or reading excerpts. Be clear in your writing as you reference information.

American history homework help

Name:

Date:

English | Graded Assignment | Research Paper Planning Assignment

© Stride, Inc. or its affiliates. All rights reserved. No reproduction without written consent of Stride, Inc. Page 1 of 1

Graded Assignment

Research Paper Planning Assignment

Write the outline of your research paper below. The outline should begin with the title of your paper and your thesis statement. You should complete this assignment and submit it to your teacher when you finish the Develop an Outline lesson in this unit.

Total score: ____ of 30 points

(Score for Question 1: ___ of 5 points)

Write a title for your paper that clearly states the topic.

Answer:

Type your answer here.

(Score for Question 2: ___ of 10 points)

Write your thesis statement. Your thesis should state a fact about history and state your idea about the fact.

Answer:

Type your answer here.

(Score for Question 3: ___ of 15 points)

Develop a formal outline for your paper. Use the Making Formal Outlines sheet as a guide for structuring your content. Your outline should demonstrate that you have completed adequate research and have a grasp of the content. Your ideas should be clearly organized in a logical manner.

Answer:

Type your answer here.

American history homework help

HIstorical Context: Mexican Americans and the Great Depression by Steven Mintz




https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-resources/teaching-resource/historical-context-mexican-americans-and-great-depression


In February 1930 in San Antonio, Tex., 5000 Mexicans and Mexican Americans gathered at the city’s railroad station to depart the United States for settlement in Mexico. In August, a special train carried another 2000 to central Mexico.

Most Americans are familiar with the forced relocation in 1942 of 112,000 Japanese Americans from the West Coast to internment camps. Far fewer are aware that during the Great Depression, the Federal Bureau of Immigration (after 1933, the Immigration and Naturalization Service) and local authorities rounded up Mexican immigrants and naturalized Mexican American citizens and shipped them to Mexico to reduce relief roles. In a shameful episode, more than 400,000 repatriodos, many of them citizens of the United States by birth, were sent across the U.S.-Mexico border from Arizona, California, and Texas. Texas’ Mexican-born population was reduced by a third. Los Angeles also lost a third of its Mexican population. In Los Angeles, the only Mexican American student at Occidental College sang a painful farewell song to serenade departing Mexicans.

Even before the stock market crash, there had been intense pressure from the American Federation of Labor and municipal governments to reduce the number of Mexican immigrants. Opposition from local chambers of commerce, economic development associations, and state farm bureaus stymied efforts to impose an immigration quota, but rigid enforcement of existing laws slowed legal entry. In 1928, United States consulates in Mexico began to apply with unprecedented rigor the literacy test legislated in 1917.

After President Hoover appointed William N. Doak as secretary of labor in 1930, the Bureau of Immigration launched intensive raids to identify aliens liable for deportation. The secretary believed that removal of undocumented aliens would reduce relief expenditures and free jobs for native-born citizens. Altogether, 82,400 were involuntarily deported by the federal government.

Federal efforts were accompanied by city and county pressure to repatriate destitute Mexican American families. In one raid in Los Angeles in February 1931, police surrounded a downtown park and detained some 400 adults and children. The threat of unemployment, deportation, and loss of relief payments led tens of thousands of people to leave the United States.

The New Deal offered Mexican Americans a little help. The Farm Security Administration established camps for migrant farm workers in California, and the CCC and WPA hired unemployed Mexican Americans on relief jobs. Many, however, did not qualify for relief assistance because as migrant workers they did not meet residency requirements. Furthermore, agricultural workers were not eligible for benefits under workers’ compensation, Social Security, and the National Labor Relations Act.

American history homework help

HIstorical Context: Mexican Americans and the Great Depression by Steven Mintz




https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-resources/teaching-resource/historical-context-mexican-americans-and-great-depression


In February 1930 in San Antonio, Tex., 5000 Mexicans and Mexican Americans gathered at the city’s railroad station to depart the United States for settlement in Mexico. In August, a special train carried another 2000 to central Mexico.

Most Americans are familiar with the forced relocation in 1942 of 112,000 Japanese Americans from the West Coast to internment camps. Far fewer are aware that during the Great Depression, the Federal Bureau of Immigration (after 1933, the Immigration and Naturalization Service) and local authorities rounded up Mexican immigrants and naturalized Mexican American citizens and shipped them to Mexico to reduce relief roles. In a shameful episode, more than 400,000 repatriodos, many of them citizens of the United States by birth, were sent across the U.S.-Mexico border from Arizona, California, and Texas. Texas’ Mexican-born population was reduced by a third. Los Angeles also lost a third of its Mexican population. In Los Angeles, the only Mexican American student at Occidental College sang a painful farewell song to serenade departing Mexicans.

Even before the stock market crash, there had been intense pressure from the American Federation of Labor and municipal governments to reduce the number of Mexican immigrants. Opposition from local chambers of commerce, economic development associations, and state farm bureaus stymied efforts to impose an immigration quota, but rigid enforcement of existing laws slowed legal entry. In 1928, United States consulates in Mexico began to apply with unprecedented rigor the literacy test legislated in 1917.

After President Hoover appointed William N. Doak as secretary of labor in 1930, the Bureau of Immigration launched intensive raids to identify aliens liable for deportation. The secretary believed that removal of undocumented aliens would reduce relief expenditures and free jobs for native-born citizens. Altogether, 82,400 were involuntarily deported by the federal government.

Federal efforts were accompanied by city and county pressure to repatriate destitute Mexican American families. In one raid in Los Angeles in February 1931, police surrounded a downtown park and detained some 400 adults and children. The threat of unemployment, deportation, and loss of relief payments led tens of thousands of people to leave the United States.

The New Deal offered Mexican Americans a little help. The Farm Security Administration established camps for migrant farm workers in California, and the CCC and WPA hired unemployed Mexican Americans on relief jobs. Many, however, did not qualify for relief assistance because as migrant workers they did not meet residency requirements. Furthermore, agricultural workers were not eligible for benefits under workers’ compensation, Social Security, and the National Labor Relations Act.

American history homework help

Required Resources

Read/review the following resources for this activity:

· Textbook: Chapter 1, 2, 3, 4
· Lesson
· Minimum of 1 scholarly source (in addition to the textbook)

Optional Resources to Explore

Feel free to review the library guide for scholarly sources and videos at the following
link:

· Link (website): History Library Guide (Links to an external site.)

Instructions

Pick one (1) of the following topics. Then, address the corresponding
questions/prompts for your selected topic:

Option 1: Exploration and Effects on Native Americans

· Explain what motivated the European world powers to explore the Americas.
· Describe the economic effects of exploration based on the Colombian exchange.
· Analyze the effects of exploration on Native Americans.
· Based on research, analyze if Europeans might be held accountable for
transmitting Old World diseases to people in the Western Hemisphere.

Option 2: Slavery vs. Indentured Servitude

· Explain how and why slavery developed in the American colonies.
· Describe in what ways the practice of slavery was different between each
colonial region in British North America.
· Analyze the differences between slaves and indentured servants.

Option 3: Women in Colonial America

· Pick two colonies (New England, Middle, or Southern colonies) and explain how
women’s roles differ in the two colonies of your choice.
· Describe what legal rights women held during the colonial period.
· Analyze how Native women’s lives were different from colonial women’s lives.

Make sure to use your course text and incorporate an additional scholarly source from
the Chamberlain Library in your response.

Writing Requirements (APA format)

· Length: 1-2 pages (not including title page or references page)
· Use standard essay writing process by including an introduction, body
paragraphs, and a conclusion.
· 1-inch margins
· Double spaced
· 12-point Times New Roman font
· Title page
· References page (minimum of 1 scholarly source)
· No abstract is required
· In-text citations that correspond with your end references

American history homework help

2


LGBTQ Rights

Student’s Name

Course

Instructor’s name.

Institutional Affiliation

LGBTQ Rights

Part 9

The 1969 Sone Wall riots happened in Stonewall inn in Greenwich, an inn run by the mafia.

Jackie Hormona, Marsha Johnson, and Zazu Nova were at the center of the riots that lasted for weeks and often involved public displays of affection

The Mattachine was also involved in the protests. However, the group was seen to be out of date and new groups such as Gay Liberation Front were formed and took over.

Gay Liberation Front(GLF) was formed in 1969 in the aftermath of the Stonewall protests. It sought to link the gay rights struggles to other struggles in the US such as the Chicano and the Red struggle

The GLF also called for an end to capitalism and the building of Nuclear weapons

The Gay Activists Alliance was formed in 1969 and was a splinter group from the GLF

Unlike the GLF the Gay Activists Alliance was more peaceful and moderate and focused only on gay rights.

Part 10

Nine months after the stone wall protest, police raided the Snake Pit in Greenwich. The major event in the aftermath of this raid was the arrest and subsequent death of Diego Vinales an Argentinian student.

ECHO organized a major protest in 1970 in Newyork City which turned out to be the first gay pride parade. Minor protests occurred happened in other cities such as Boston

In 1970, the Co-founder of the Balck Panthers Party Huey Newton gave a speech in which he supported the gay rights movements

Gay pride parades began to happen annually with the main agendas being calling for an end to police harassment and encouraging gay people to come out

1972-73 saw the formation of the group Parents and Friends of Lesbians and Gays

Part 11

1973 saw the American Psychological Association change its position on homosexuality. It was now not considered to be a mental disorder.

1973 also saw the gay rights movements also change into the LGBTQ rights movements after the inclusion of bisexual, transgender, and queer people

The Queens Liberation Font took part in the 1973 gay pride parade. Marsha Johnson and Sylvia Rivera formed the street Transvetitie Action Revolutionaries which sought to help people who were confused about their feelings and identity

The 1970s also saw Politicians be involved in the support for gay rights, one of them being Bernie Sanders.

Kathy Kozachenko became the first open homosexual to be elected to office. She was elected to the Michigan City Council in 1974

Part 12

Harvey Milk ran for office while openly declaring to be gay and was elected in 197. He was later assassinated by Dan White along with Mayor George Moscone in 1978.

The sentencing of Dan White for seven years following the murder of Harvey Milk resulted in protests in San Francisco

In1977 Miami voters repealed the Gay rights. This was after the mobilization of Christian voters by Anita Bryant. She urged them to repeal the gay rights so as to bring God and morality back to America.

Part 13

After 1977 there were attempts to repeal gay rights in other cities such as Seattle and California. This was after anti-gay groups drew inspiration from the Miami repeal

1982 saw Wincousin become the first state to create a law that banned discrimination based on sexual orientation

The appearance of AIDS in the 1980s co0ntributed to gay backlash since the disease was common among homosexuals.

Part 14

In the early 1980s, AIDS spread to the heterosexual community.AIDS was therefore a reason for the discrimination against homosexuals.

Larry Kramer created ACT UP to push the government to address the AIDS crisis. As a result, the government started to give facts and educate the public about AIDS.

The 1980s also saw monumental cases such as the Bowers v. Harwick case, and the Bower v. Lawrence all seeking clarification on gay rights and issues.

In 1981, homosexuals were removed from the military as a result Perry Watkins was discharged. He sued resulting in the Watkins v. US army case. The supreme court ruled that Watkins was irregularly discharged and he, therefore, got a settlement.

Part 15(Lecture 12)

Bill Clinton ascended to the presidency vowing to allow gays to serve publicly in the military. He is behind the “Don’t ask, Don’t tell policy” of 1993. This policy allowed gay soldiers to serve in the military as long as they do not speak about it.

The late 1980s to early 1990s saw the idea of recognizing same-sex marriages come up.

In the Baehr v. Miike case, two women sued after they were denied marriage registration by the Hawaii government. The Hawaii government opted to have an amendment clarifying that marriage was strictly between two people of the opposite sex

In 1996, the defense of Marriage act was passed. This act stated that the federal government act would not recognize same-sex marriage

Part 16

Clinton issued an order banning sexual orientation prejudices in security clearance.

George Bush called for the banning of same-sex marriage, but the Republics could not sail

through with it in congress.

In 2016, President Obama lifted the ban on transgender people in the military. President Trump

would later reverse this policy.

In 2020, the court ruled that President Trump’s order banning transgender people from the

the military was legitimate.

American history homework help

Assignment:

For this assignment, you will be asked to explain the history and foundation of American colleges in a scholarly paper of 1750 words that addresses the following topics:

· Describe the history of land grant universities.

· Examine the history of agriculture and engineering in higher education.

· How did the emergence of both of these important areas shape higher education today?

Be sure to completely answer all the questions for each bullet point. There should be three sections, one for each bullet point. Separate each section in your paper with a clear heading that allows your professor to know which bullet you are addressing in that section of your paper. Support your ideas with at least three (3) citations from the text in your essay. Make sure to reference the citations using the APA writing style for the essay. The cover page and reference page do not count towards the minimum word amount.

American history homework help

2


LGBTQ Rights

Student’s Name

Course

Instructor’s name.

Institutional Affiliation

LGBTQ Rights

Part 9

The 1969 Sone Wall riots happened in Stonewall inn in Greenwich, an inn run by the mafia.

Jackie Hormona, Marsha Johnson, and Zazu Nova were at the center of the riots that lasted for weeks and often involved public displays of affection

The Mattachine was also involved in the protests. However, the group was seen to be out of date and new groups such as Gay Liberation Front were formed and took over.

Gay Liberation Front(GLF) was formed in 1969 in the aftermath of the Stonewall protests. It sought to link the gay rights struggles to other struggles in the US such as the Chicano and the Red struggle

The GLF also called for an end to capitalism and the building of Nuclear weapons

The Gay Activists Alliance was formed in 1969 and was a splinter group from the GLF

Unlike the GLF the Gay Activists Alliance was more peaceful and moderate and focused only on gay rights.

Part 10

Nine months after the stone wall protest, police raided the Snake Pit in Greenwich. The major event in the aftermath of this raid was the arrest and subsequent death of Diego Vinales an Argentinian student.

ECHO organized a major protest in 1970 in Newyork City which turned out to be the first gay pride parade. Minor protests occurred happened in other cities such as Boston

In 1970, the Co-founder of the Balck Panthers Party Huey Newton gave a speech in which he supported the gay rights movements

Gay pride parades began to happen annually with the main agendas being calling for an end to police harassment and encouraging gay people to come out

1972-73 saw the formation of the group Parents and Friends of Lesbians and Gays

Part 11

1973 saw the American Psychological Association change its position on homosexuality. It was now not considered to be a mental disorder.

1973 also saw the gay rights movements also change into the LGBTQ rights movements after the inclusion of bisexual, transgender, and queer people

The Queens Liberation Font took part in the 1973 gay pride parade. Marsha Johnson and Sylvia Rivera formed the street Transvetitie Action Revolutionaries which sought to help people who were confused about their feelings and identity

The 1970s also saw Politicians be involved in the support for gay rights, one of them being Bernie Sanders.

Kathy Kozachenko became the first open homosexual to be elected to office. She was elected to the Michigan City Council in 1974

Part 12

Harvey Milk ran for office while openly declaring to be gay and was elected in 197. He was later assassinated by Dan White along with Mayor George Moscone in 1978.

The sentencing of Dan White for seven years following the murder of Harvey Milk resulted in protests in San Francisco

In1977 Miami voters repealed the Gay rights. This was after the mobilization of Christian voters by Anita Bryant. She urged them to repeal the gay rights so as to bring God and morality back to America.

Part 13

After 1977 there were attempts to repeal gay rights in other cities such as Seattle and California. This was after anti-gay groups drew inspiration from the Miami repeal

1982 saw Wincousin become the first state to create a law that banned discrimination based on sexual orientation

The appearance of AIDS in the 1980s co0ntributed to gay backlash since the disease was common among homosexuals.

Part 14

In the early 1980s, AIDS spread to the heterosexual community.AIDS was therefore a reason for the discrimination against homosexuals.

Larry Kramer created ACT UP to push the government to address the AIDS crisis. As a result, the government started to give facts and educate the public about AIDS.

The 1980s also saw monumental cases such as the Bowers v. Harwick case, and the Bower v. Lawrence all seeking clarification on gay rights and issues.

In 1981, homosexuals were removed from the military as a result Perry Watkins was discharged. He sued resulting in the Watkins v. US army case. The supreme court ruled that Watkins was irregularly discharged and he, therefore, got a settlement.

Part 15(Lecture 12)

Bill Clinton ascended to the presidency vowing to allow gays to serve publicly in the military. He is behind the “Don’t ask, Don’t tell policy” of 1993. This policy allowed gay soldiers to serve in the military as long as they do not speak about it.

The late 1980s to early 1990s saw the idea of recognizing same-sex marriages come up.

In the Baehr v. Miike case, two women sued after they were denied marriage registration by the Hawaii government. The Hawaii government opted to have an amendment clarifying that marriage was strictly between two people of the opposite sex

In 1996, the defense of Marriage act was passed. This act stated that the federal government act would not recognize same-sex marriage

Part 16

Clinton issued an order banning sexual orientation prejudices in security clearance.

George Bush called for the banning of same-sex marriage, but the Republics could not sail

through with it in congress.

In 2016, President Obama lifted the ban on transgender people in the military. President Trump

would later reverse this policy.

In 2020, the court ruled that President Trump’s order banning transgender people from the

the military was legitimate.

American history homework help

There are 2 case studies to complete in green.


Week 5 Assignment: Case Study

Follow these directions exactly as written when writing this paper:

· NO direct quotations can be used in this assignment. NO plagiarism as it will be checked by Turn it in.

· Minimum of 3 scholarly sources (in addition to the textbook).

Text Book that needs to be used for this assignment: U.S. History (openstax.org)

YOU MUST INCLUDE AN IN TEXT CITATION FROM THIS TEXTBOOK LINK LISTED ABOVE FROM CHAPTER (18, 21, OR 23 whichever of those three applies to the topic you choose from the options given).

THE APA REFERENCE FOR THIS BOOK IS:

OpenStax. (2014). U.S. history, OpenStax CNX. Retrieved

from https://cnx.org/contents/p7ovuIkl@6.18:gMXC1GEM@7/Introduction

Instructions
Pick one (1) of the following topics. Then, address the corresponding questions/prompts for your selected topic. Use at least one (1) documented example of the corresponding primary source in your writing.

Option 1: Big Business (Monopolies) and Exploitation of Workers
View the following resource:

· Link (video): 
The Progressive Era (Links to an external site.)
 (27:30)

Browse and read one (1) of the following:

· Link (article): 
Triangle Shirtwaist Factory Fire (Links to an external site.)

· Link (library article): 
The Pullman Strike (Links to an external site.)

Then, address the following:

· Explain if big business leaders were “captains of industry,” “shrewd businessmen,” or “robber barons.”

· Based on one of the resources noted for this option, assess American working conditions and exploitation of workers in the Age of Industry.

· Analyze the role that government played in reforming American working conditions.

· Explain the benefits of the Federal Government regulations of monopolies.

· Analyze which progressive presidents attained economic justice and reform for workers.

Option 2: Who is A Progressive?
Review the following site:

· Link (website): 
Presidential Election of 1912: A Resource Guide (Links to an external site.)

Then, address the following:

· According to Roosevelt, what are the characteristics of a progressive?

· Explain and give examples of the characteristics of “anti-progressives.”

· Trace what types of activities “anti-progressives” engaged in?

· Analyze the goals of progressivism.

· Explain what areas of society progressives addressed?

· Analyze the progressive achievements Roosevelt highlights in his speech?

Option 3: World War I
Review the following resources:

· Link (video): 
A War to End All Wars: Part 2 (Links to an external site.)
 (6:56)

· Link (library article): 
The Treaty of Versailles and the Rise of Nazism (Links to an external site.)


Then, address the following:

· Trace the origins of World War I, and assess if the world war was inevitable in 1914?

· Explain if it was possible for the United States to maintain neutrality in World War I. If yes, explain how. If no, explain why not.

· Analyze if the United States should have entered World War I to make the world safe for democracy.

· Analyze if the Treaty of Versailles was a fair and effective settlement for lasting world peace.

· Explain if the United States Senate should have approved of the Treaty of Versailles.

Writing Requirements (APA format)

· Length: 3-4 pages (not including title page or references page)

· 1-inch margins

· Double spaced

· 12-point Times New Roman font

· Title page

· References page

·
In-text citations
that correspond with your end references


Week 6 Assignment Case Study

Instructions
Pick one (1) of the following topics
. Then, address the corresponding questions/prompts for your selected topic. Use at least one (1) documented example of the corresponding primary source in your writing.

Option 1: McCarthyism and Anti-Communist Campaigns
The Cold War brought about an irrational fear of communism and communist activities in the United States. As we are learning this week, one of the most vocal instigators of this paranoia was Senator Joseph McCarthy. McCarthy delivered a speech about the imminent threat of communism on February 9, 1950. Perform a search on the internet and locate and read Joseph McCarthy’s speech given in Wheeling, West Virginia on February 9, 1950. Copy and paste the following keywords into your Google search bar: “Joseph McCarthy, Wheeling, West Virginia.” The speech is also referred to as “Enemies from Within.”

Construct the case study by responding to the following prompts:

· Explain how Senator Joseph McCarthy defined communist nations within the speech. What specific threats did these nations pose?

· Assess if Senator Joseph McCarthy charges were accurate.

· Analyze anti-communist sentiments during the Cold War era, were these sentiments valid. If so, how? If not, why not?

· Explain if there are other examples of events similar to the Red Scare that have occurred throughout history and modern day.

· Examine what happened to people who invoked the Fifth Amendment, refused to appear or were found in violation of the law as defined by the Congressional Committee.

Option 2: The Civil Rights Movement
Using the Internet, locate and read Martin Luther King Jr’s “I Have a Dream” speech given in Washington D.C., August 1963. Copy and paste the following keywords into your Google search bar: “I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.” Feel free also to locate and incorporate additional scholarly sources to respond to this case study, including information on the Civil Rights Movement.

Construct the case study by responding to the following prompts:

· Explain if the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s effectively changed the nation.

· What effect would the Civil Rights Acts have across the continent on minority groups?

· Do you think that the tactics and strategies that civil rights activists used in the 1960s would apply to today’s racial and ethnic conflicts? Why or why not?

· Do the ideas of the 1960s still have relevance today? If so how? If not, why not?

· Analyze how the Civil Rights Movement would impact diversity in America today.

Option 3: American Domestic and Foreign Policies (1953-1991)
Complete a search either in the Chamberlain Library or internet for domestic and foreign polices of four (4) of the following Presidents. Please incorporate at least one primary source of either a policy or act that you have chosen to write about.

· Eisenhower

· Kennedy

· Johnson

· Nixon

· Ford

· Carter

· Reagan

Then, compare domestic and foreign polices of your four (4) presidents by answering the following prompts:

· Explain how your selected presidents worked to improve the United States economically and socially. Give at least one example of each president.

· Assess if the policies of your choice of presidents strengthen or weaken the United States.

· Explain how you see your choice of presidents served the public interest and further the cause of democracy.

· Determine if it is constitutional for the United States to fight preemptive wars.

· Determine if human rights and morality should be the cornerstones of United State foreign policy.

Writing Requirements (APA format)

· Length: 4-5 pages (not including title page and references page)

· 1-inch margins

· Double spaced

· 12-point Times New Roman font

· Title page

· References page

·
In-text citations that correspond with your end reference

·
YOU MUST ADD AN IN-TEXT CITATION FROM
Text Book link listed below for this assignment:

· U.S. History (openstax.org)

FROM CHAPTER (28, 29, OR 30 whichever of those three applies to the topic you choose from the options listed).

THE APA REFERENCE FOR THIS BOOK IS:

OpenStax. (2014). U.S. history, OpenStax CNX. Retrieved

from https://cnx.org/contents/p7ovuIkl@6.18:gMXC1GEM@7/Introduction

·

American history homework help

Explain how the economic situation, as well as the ideologies, from the late 1920s-late 1930s shaped the experiences of the individuals who identified as both Mexican and/or Mexican Americans.

Integrate information from all three of the sources presented, both primary and secondary, and communicate a coherent understanding of Mexican Repatriation [the study of events related to the forceful removal and illegal deportation of Mexican-American U.S. citizens during the Great Depression].

Students should make connections between individuals, ideas and events and note any discrepancies among sources.

American history homework help

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Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History
Volume 17, Number 3, Winter 2016
Johns Hopkins University Press
Article
Viewed | Saved to MyMUSE library

View Citation

Additional Information

Institutional Violence and the Law in Apartheid South Africa
Natacha Filippi

Abstract

In apartheid South Africa, prisons and psychiatric hospitals played a specific role in the imposition of “law and order” on a society which shared many features with other colonial settings. By examining the
di�erent dynamics relating to institutional violence, a process in which one must be wary of the ethical problems that may arise for the researcher, a clearer picture of apartheid violence and its relation to the law
emerges. Prisons and psychiatric hospitals were permeable institutions which allowed for the transfer of modalities of violence, subjugation, resistance, collaboration and repression. These institutions actually
functioned as magnifying glasses revealing the mechanisms of state control through the dissemination of fear in the South African society.

Studying Violence: Ethics and contemporary analyses

Violence, at first sight, seems an unexplainable phenomenon. That may well be what partly defines it, that some of its aspects are ultimately ungraspable, because of its profoundly disruptive
character—of the sense of self-being, of narratives, of the boundaries of one’s body, of social structures. But violence is also a productive force, and, to some extent, a reproductive one. Studying
violence brings to the fore the ethical problems linked to the positionality of the researcher and, especially in postcolonial contexts, the essential intrusiveness of his/her work. While leading
interviews in South Africa with inmates, warders and former political prisoners, one paradox that bothered me hinged on understanding why, if violence could be apprehended as a mere structural
and historical construct, the act of inquiring about and listening to testimonies of its occurrence was so profoundly disturbing. One of the reasons is that, when attempting to analyse it, one needs to
remember that violence is above all an intimate experience of disruption, partial annihilation and power branded on a person’s body and mind, whether that person was subjected to it or responsible
for it. Hence, if violence is a breaking point, and a moment of ambiguous feelings about one’s identity, then the ethical problem encountered by the researcher is linked to the fact that he/she forces
the occurrence of violence to re-emerge; that he/she potentially reproduces and mirrors the violence of the past event by his/her identities (as—o�en—a White/Occidental, middle-class individual in
an assumed position of knowledge); and involuntarily embodies an exterior and retrospective judgment over the lasting ambiguous feelings produced by the experience of violence.

Bearing in mind these cautions, the study of violence dynamics in closed institutions can still prove extremely relevant. In the case of apartheid South Africa, their analysis from the 1960s to the
1990s informs us on the nature of the state and the modalities of resistance developed against its repression. Prisons and psychiatric hospitals are, indeed, particularly good places to investigate the
state in both its regimented and di�use aspects, a state defined as, to take up Patrick Anderson’s definition, “an assemblage of forces and drives, techniques and tactics—o�en organised as violence—
performed in discrete sites and scenes.” Through the analysis of Pollsmoor Prison and Valkenberg Psychiatric Hospital in the Western Cape, South Africa, from the 1960s to the 1990s, this article
wishes to point out the di�erent logics underlying the historical manifestations of violence inside and around closed institutions in apartheid South Africa. Inherent to prisons and psychiatric
hospitals, and especially their maximum security sections, institutional violence constituted a strategy of governance, a way to subjugate and eliminate those deemed as deviant at di�erent points in
time. It also materialised a model of fear imposed on the rest of society, showing how patterns of violence crossed the walls of closed institutions.

Investigating the evolution of institutional violence inside two of apartheid’s closed institutions sheds light on the changing dynamics of control, repression, survival and resistance in apartheid
South Africa. As such, this study inscribes itself in a corpus of works that have focused on, albeit at di�erent periods of time or at di�erent places, the connections between prisons, psychiatric
hospitals and the South African governing body and administration. It also wishes to contribute to the broader literature on the links between colonialism, the political economy of health, psychiatry
and punishment. More specifically, this work owes much to the debate on the historical links between violence, gangs, identity formation in closed spaces, sexual abuse and power dynamics. By
highlighting the normative aspects of some classic works on gangs and more generally on criminal violence in South Africa, the studies involved in the debate point out the crucial role played by
repressive institutions of social control such as prisons, psychiatric hospitals and the system of pass laws in shaping the historical development of patterns of violence that came to permeate many
aspects of the apartheid society.

In colonial contexts like in twentieth-century South Africa, the law adjudicated and punished various forms of violence, albeit with the exception of the violence of the state. This form of violence,
instead, was legitimised, performed and carried out by the same law that, turning to the “criminal” realm, sanctioned ordinary citizens through sentences of corporal punishment, imprisonment and
diverse forms of social and civil death. The historical relationship between Pollsmoor Prison and Valkenberg Psychiatric Hospital in the Western Cape during the second half of apartheid is shot
through with such violence. This article first presents the institutional routinised violence as it prevailed in Pollsmoor and Valkenberg during apartheid before turning to the violence of “inside”
survival and resistance in their specific form as mimicry. Although much more needs to be said, I chose these aspects because they bring attention to the specificity and representativeness of the
violence inscribed in closed institutions. In doing so, I do not attempt to unveil universal and atemporal logics which supposedly underlie violent phenomena. On the reverse, I wish to remain close to
the experience of violence, which subsumes its very nature as an event.

The research I present below is based on internal documents from Pollsmoor Prison and, to a lesser extent because of di�iculties of access, from Valkenberg Psychiatric Hospital. It also gathers
information from commissions of inquiry, reports from organisations of resistance, as well as personal and public papers on law, justice and psychiatry held in South African national and regional
archives. Newspapers have also been consulted in order to appraise the evolution of public opinion and the emergence of voices and events in the public sphere. Finally, in order to compensate for
the partiality of archives and to try to apprehend the experiences of di�erent historical actors, I have led a number of interviews with inmates, warders, former political prisoners, psychiatrists,
lawyers and psychologists.

“Law and Order” Inside Pollsmoor Prison

Pollsmoor Prison is situated some 40 km south-east of Cape Town, isolated from the city by the Cape Peninsula mountain range. The plethora of laws passed by the apartheid government since its
accession to power in 1948 led to such a sharp rise in incarceration rates that existing prisons in the Western Cape could not cope with the daily influx of awaiting-trial and convicted prisoners.
Pollsmoor was opened in 1964 and transformed rapidly during apartheid. Indeed, the legal system created an image of a dangerous urban black population that threatened the white minority with
degeneration, physical violations and violent uprisings. Pass laws, combined with penal laws on alcoholism and drug dealing, prompted an increase in arrests and prison numbers. The situation
worsened in the late 1970s with the township insurrections, prompting the arrest of thousands of young Blacks under the Terrorism Act of 1967.

Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History

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As Florence Bernault has shown for other African colonies, the “African [was] largely perceived as essentially criminal, as the descendant of a degenerated race who [could] eventually get out of the
vitiated gangue of subaltern society thanks to contact with European law.” In apartheid South Africa, such “contact” could take place at any level of one’s public or private life, as the law strove to
regulate a variety of simple social acts relating to, among others, freedom of speech, interracial sex (under the Immorality Act of 1957, itself an extension of the Immorality Act of 1927), freedom of
movement, as restricted by the pass laws, or the production of alcohol by “non-Whites.” Any deviance, be it perceived as social, political or mental, could easily lead to extensive periods of awaiting-
trial incarceration, detention without trial, prison sentences, psychiatric admissions or, in cases where the perceived violence of the o�enders was deemed beyond any possible rehabilitation and
seemed to require an exemplary sentence, the death penalty.

It is in this context that Pollsmoor rapidly expanded from its first prison, Medium A, designed for Black inmates, to four additional prisons: Medium B, reserved for White prisoners only; the
Maximum Security section; a female prison, which included a section for juveniles; and Medium C, built at the end of apartheid for minimum security prisoners. This carceral complex was
characterised by chronic overcrowding, a labyrinth of corridors, communal cells where more than fi�y inmates could be crammed together and a panoply of heavy gates opened by large iron keys.
Pollsmoor administration subjected the large awaiting-trial population to the same treatment that convicted prisoners received, a treatment characterised by violent disciplinary measures, economic
exploitation and daily mortifications.

During the day, warders maintained order inside prison through the use of dogs, teargas and tonfas until 1996. They extensively resorted to solitary confinement and reduced diet sentences for
infractions to the regulations as small as the illegal possession of a “cup of sugar.” Although throughout apartheid, the di�erent amendments to the Prison Act of 1959 progressively imposed limits
to the number of days allowed for solitary confinement, practice inside prisons was hard to change, as few mechanisms of control existed to curtail the warders’ habits. Added to the o�icial
censorship surrounding any event or information related to prisons, the arbitrary length of detention in isolation sections reinforced the feeling of a profound vulnerability to the violence of the
disciplinary system.

The Prisons Services imposed a stringent military hierarchy articulated along racial lines on the prison personnel. White and “non-White” warders had to parade every morning in two di�erent
groups and had to use distinct toilets and lockers. Black personnel got the most degrading jobs, such as night-shi� surveillance of the compound, while Coloured warders worked in the sections and
senior White guards ruled over the prison from their o�ices. Each group received di�erent salaries and allowances. Subordination to this hierarchy, which most Black warders heavily resented,
greatly emphasised the overall perception by the prison population that humiliation and disciplinary measures constituted normal features of everyday life in this environment. Despite the Prisons
Services’ public rhetoric, violence was one of the sole principles underlying the regulations enforced on prisoners. One could either accept to give in, and gradually come to integrate it as a common
characteristic of prison life, or confront it, and be submitted to increased violence.

Immediately upon admission, warders made clear to the inmate that from then onwards, “profanations” of his/her self and violent imposition of a new regulation on his/her most intimate gestures
would mark the rhythm of incarcerated life. In Pollsmoor during apartheid, the extremely intrusive violence of the admission procedure reflected the forthcoming daily abuse of the sentenced life.
In the female section, complaints against strip searches sometimes occurred, forcing the administration to call a doctor to check if the inmate’s hymen had not been torn during the process. On the
male side, warders sometimes had to transfer prisoners to hospitals a�er strip searching them.

Once the inmate was stripped of his/her self, warders strove to assign him/her a new identity through a mechanism of categorisation, and submit him/her to a new social arrangement, based on a
system of sanctions and privileges. In Pollsmoor, like in other prisons under apartheid, five apparently strict but actually fluctuating lines of categorisation divided the incarcerated population: race,
gender, behaviour, status (political or common-law) and medical state (both physical and mental). In 1979, Pollsmoor administration introduced a disciplinary board—called the “X Court”—that
performed a simulacrum of justice in a militarised environment where prisoners were forbidden to talk to the warders, unless spoken to. This innovation merely reinforced the dramaturgy of power
prevailing in the institution and prison life remained organised through the bestowal of privileges and the distribution of punishments. The latter included, among others, forms of public flogging,
being held naked, in mechanical restraints such as handcu�s, chains and leg-irons or in a straitjacket during solitary confinement, food and medicine deprivation, threats, verbal humiliations and
collective beatings.

This disciplinary system, because it mostly hinged on corporal punishments, could appear as an archaic way of governance in an “autonomous microsociety.” However, in South Africa during the
second half of the twentieth century, corporal punishments were hardly confined to prisons. Judges, for instance, commonly used whipping as a sentence. The division of the population into
di�erent racial categories, from which derived various degrees of privileges and distinct forms of repression, formed the basis of a segregationist system that drew from other colonial patterns. Indeed,
as Steven Pierce and Anupama Rao have explained:

Colonial disciplinary correction was understood to be a consequence of native inadequacy, which justified the use of almost any level of force and violence. The visceral, embodied experiences
of domination and control—the immediate manifestation of colonial corporeality—were an integral part of governmental practices of codifying, categorizing, and racializing di�erence. Various
corporeal technologies, and most specifically bodily violence, have acted to mark and constitute boundaries of alterity.

Pollsmoor, with its characteristic disciplinary system, could therefore be seen, rather than a “microsociety,” as a magnifying glass revealing the dynamics of state control on the outside. Like
psychiatric hospitals, prisons were walled-o� margins of society that were sometimes archaic, sometimes ahead of social changes, and whose study provides an acute understanding of the links
between the violence prevailing inside closed institutions and the dynamics of state control.

Violence and Subjugation in the Asylum

Valkenberg Psychiatric Hospital was built in 1896. It was the first South African hospital designed to cater for mentally-ill patients only, and was exclusively reserved for Whites. In the 1910s, a new
section, Uitvlugt, opened for Black and Coloured patients on the other side of one of the two rivers bordering the hospital. Valkenberg architecture reflected the will to reform psychiatric practices in
the colony on the model of British asylums and to implement a racial segregation deemed necessary to foster mental healing. In the 1930s and 1940s, despite several threats by the government to
close down the hospital’s decaying buildings, Valkenberg continued to be operational. Although gradual changes were implemented from the 1960s onwards, Valkenberg was renowned, up to the
end of the democratic transition, for chronic overpopulation, degrading living conditions, the brutality of nurses, and the quasi-absence of therapeutic treatments. The asylum remained the
epitome of an archaic colonial psychiatric ward.

In 1976, at a time of increasing state repression, Valkenberg inaugurated its new Maximum Security section, also called Ward 20. Initially designed to be part of Pollsmoor Prison, it was eventually
built on the “Black side” of the hospital. Its architecture was therefore identical to that of Pollsmoor, though slightly less safety-oriented. Ward 20 housed, in overpopulated large dormitories, some
of them deprived of windows, Black prisoners categorised as “psychopaths” and detainees under psychiatric observation during their trial. It also accommodated o�enders who could not stand trial
and that psychiatrists had certified as State President Patients.

The dynamics guiding people’s transfers between Pollsmoor and Valkenberg were complex and varied over time. Warders rarely took into account the complaints of prisoners who actually su�ered
from the brutality of prison conditions or from former experiences and required some psychiatric assistance. O�en, the only attention they received came down to sedatives administered by warders
trained as nurses and advised by visiting psychiatrists. While the latter criticised the lack of facilities inside Pollsmoor where they could visit prisoners, they considered many of the prisoners’
complaints as mere malingering. For the prison administration, the ambiguous relation between the two institutions constituted a conscious strategy and was perpetuated as such. Sending the
most troublesome inmates to Valkenberg Maximum Security ward helped to maintain order inside Pollsmoor. During periods of tension inside the prison, warders tended to transfer inmates who,
once they arrived at the psychiatric hospital, were subjected to tests and diagnoses that did not corroborate, in the medical o�icers’ eyes, the supposed existence of mental illness. Psychiatrists
hence periodically sent inmates back to Pollsmoor, participating in a singular trade of misbehaving and insubordinate prisoners. Despite occasional reluctance from forensic psychiatrists, Ward 20
resembled the psychiatric wing of the Attica prison as described by Michel Foucault: it indeed operated as “the machine of the machine, or rather the elimination of elimination, elimination in the
second degree” in the “curious mechanism of circular elimination” underlying the prison system.

The gradual changes implemented from the mid-1960s onward did not have an impact on the fact that Valkenberg continued to embody the usual stigma attached to madness, and was, until the
1980s, an institution renowned for the brutality of the treatment received by Black patients. The only “medical care” considered as e�ective consisted in forced electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) and
neuroleptics. Moreover, according to the medical discourse of the time, Black patients were not supposed to need any anaesthetic before ECT sessions, which took place three times a week. Some
psychologists, who had to go through their clinical probation in Valkenberg during the 1970s, heavily criticised the hospital’s archaic structures and methods. Patients’ committals stretched over

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long and indefinite periods of time. On the “Black side” of the asylum, and even more so on Ward 20, White nurses who had not received any psychiatric training brutally forced patients to undergo
ECT treatment. In the entire hospital, nurses administered sedative antipsychotics in large doses, sometimes three times over the prescribed amount, and rapidly transformed patients into haggard
figures mumbling incoherent words.

By defining and punishing the criminal deviancy of “non-Whites” through a multiplicity of racial laws restricting their movements and actions, penal and psychiatric discourses instituted all Blacks
and Coloureds as potential criminals who could only be reformed with the help of the White minority. Although the scope of this article does not allow for a detailed analysis of the incarceration
process implemented against White prisoners and patients, the way they were treated inside closed institutions and the adjudication over their deviancy which took place in court also reveal crucial
dynamics in the disciplinarisation of White communities.49 For instance, psychiatrists alleged, during apartheid, that Whites were more prone to depression and “complex” mental illnesses than their
Black counterparts. According to the same discourse, while Black crime mainly stemmed from “disculturation,” White crime found its roots in exaggerated wealth and the decline of moral values.

Although they shared many aspects, the textures of violence inherent to Pollsmoor Prison and to Valkenberg Hospital di�ered, particularly in the degree of terror and obedience produced by the
administration. Even though South Africa, like other British colonies, did not witness a “great confinement” strategy in relation to mental health incarceration, the apartheid asylum still embodied, to
take up Foucault’s words, “power in its naked state,” “the medically intensified reality, … the medical power-knowledge that has no other function than to be the agent of reality itself.” In
Valkenberg, the medical discourse that attempted to shape every element of the inmate’s identity could destroy his/her sense of autonomous self to an even greater extent that in Pollsmoor. Ward 20
brought this domination to an extreme, as it physically and symbolically subjected the “criminal mentally-ill” to a double violence, the one of the law and of the psychiatric order. For this reason, and
because of the nature of the hospital’s archives, the modalities of resistance and survival taking place inside prisons throughout apartheid le� more numerous traces in the records.

Gangs, Resistance and Mimicry: Violence as bounding and “cleansing”

Studies on South African violence have o�en either focused on the brutality of state repression and the retaliation of resistance movements, or analysed crime and gang formations as fascinating or
regrettable fratricidal “subcultures.” The links and mutual feeding between these di�erent forms of violence as well as the changing impact of apartheid structural violence on the everyday life of
South Africans still need further investigation. Forced removals, police and army repression, economic exploitation di�erentiated on the basis of race, as well as social and civic deprivation constituted
some of the main dimensions of this structural violence. As shown by Shula Marks and Neil Andersson, the allocation of health resources, which a�ected mental hospitals, also influenced in a
significant way “the totality of social and productive relations” in the apartheid society.

This structural violence had an impact on the chronic overcrowding of Pollsmoor Prison and Valkenberg Hospital. Indeed, this overcrowding did not derive only from insu�icient facilities, limited
budget and a dehumanising ideology which implied that criminals and mentally-ill patients could be held in warehouse conditions. In South Africa, the rate of crime has, during the twentieth century
and up to now, been extremely high. To understand the links between crime and the social conditions created by the apartheid regime, one can view crime as part of a “matrix of cultural violence
which is integral to continued social inequality and racial domination.” However, one should be wary of analysing delinquency as resulting from “psycho-social stress and the destruction of the
family” or from “criminal deviancy,” for this perspective can only provide an incomplete and o�en normative image of the outlaws. When looking at the structural violence of apartheid and crime,
one needs to take into account broader historical dynamics of state control, mine industry, prison-compound complex and oppression characteristic of colonialism, as Charles van Onselen and Gary
Kynoch have skilfully done.

Mental deviancy aside, the social and legal appearances of which are far harder to tackle, the law shaped violent social deviancy during apartheid, and increasingly so from the 1970s onwards, into
three categories: political, criminal and, in between, the threatening manifestation of the swart gevaar—the “Black peril”—or the fear of the “Black mob.” On the ground, the relationships between the
people involved in these categorised events were entangled and blurred, ranging from conflict to collaboration and instrumentalisation of one group by another. Nancy Scheper-Hugues collected
testimonies on how young comrades engaged in the struggle against apartheid used and “politicised” skollies (gangsters) in order to, among others, retain the di�erence between “clean” political
violence and criminal “brutality.” These kinds of relationships reinforced the connections between the inside and the outside of closed institutions and took a specific pattern within prisons. On the
inside, the relationships among “political” and “common-law” prisoners wavered between overt hate and physical confrontation—in the case of gang members being instrumentalised by the prison
administration to spy on or even torture political prisoners—and mutual help, when common-law prisoners introduced newspapers and passed messages to the outside and political prisoners shared
the benefits of their privileges, particularly food packages. Interestingly, although such exchanges were nevertheless marked by a certain degree of loathing on the part of political prisoners in the
male sections, female political prisoners appear to have established relationships of stronger solidarity with their common-law counterparts.

Since its opening in 1964, Pollsmoor had been renowned for the sheer violence it enclosed within its walls. Such a reputation could seem peculiar, when compared to other South African prisons
such as Robben Island; Pretoria Central, where prisoners sentenced to death were hanged until 1995; or Zonderwater, also called “psycho city,” which detained “psychopaths” sentenced to life
imprisonment. Pollsmoor’s reputation actually lay in the presence of the Number, a structure composed of three brother gangs, at a scale unmatched in any other jail. During apartheid, the prison
administration and the leaders of the Number supervised two parallel orders that secured the balance ensuring the perpetuation of prison as a viable institution. A mythology, constructed around the
historical figure of Jan Note, served as the basis for the gang’s organisation and doctrine. The three gangs that composed the Number, the 26’s, 27’s and 28’s, attained their full strength during
apartheid. Members conceived their own military ranks, which they symbolically represented by tattooing their bodies. In a context where the body has become an object of power, disposable by
others than oneself, this practice of tattooing in prison o�en constitutes an ultimate resort of auto-determination. In the case of the Number, tattooing involved even further meaning, as each ink
symbol constituted a hint as to the rank and a�iliation of the prisoner.

The intricate rules of the system were based on di�erent—and o�en codified and illegal—systems of communication. Zackie Achmat, incarcerated in 1978 at Pollsmoor, described his entrance in a
cell governed by the 28’s in the following terms:

Within minutes all the toilet bowls in the Remand Section were flushed and all the water was removed from the one in our cell. In this way, the sound was carried through the entire sewage
system of the block. This system allowed prisoners to communicate with each other illegally, with a diminished threat of punishment and discovery by the warders. When we arrived the 28s
had to report to the General—they had to account for the loot gained from the newly arrived prisoners.

Members also invented a parallel system of justice and a new language, called sabela. Willem Schurink, who established a detailed list of the di�erent ranks held in the “private-line” and “blood-
line” of the 28’s, pointed out that the Number guaranteed the “fulfilment of physical, psychological and social needs.” In his 1989 study, he commented on the fact that “Number gangs provide
camaraderie, status, protection and in the case of the 28 sexual outlets are also provided. ‘Welfare services’ also make provisions for permanent disability and retirement.” The Number’s o�icial
objective was to create a united force strong enough to attack the prison system, and more broadly to challenge apartheid’s economic and racial injustice. Members defined themselves as “freedom
fighters,” or “bandits,” to demonstrate that the frontier between criminal and political motives was blurred and linked to issues of ordinary governance under apartheid.

Detained in a “state of injury,” their lives akin to the slave’s “perfect figure of the shadow” as described by Achille Mbembe, the majority of Pollsmoor male inmates during apartheid reacted to the
debasing brutality of the system through the violence of the Number. The procedure of admission to the gangs was shot through with violence. Following one of the entrance procedures, the inmate
desiring to become a “member” had to stab a warder with a sharpened tool, undergo without a word the beating that would automatically ensue, be kept naked in an isolation cell for a minimum
period of a month, where he would endure further beating from the warders, before his toughness would open for him the doors of the Number. Other such acts against the prison sta� would then
punctuate his career across the ranks of the 26’s, th

American history homework help

There are 2 case studies to complete in green.


Week 5 Assignment: Case Study

Follow these directions exactly as written when writing this paper:

· NO direct quotations can be used in this assignment. NO plagiarism as it will be checked by Turn it in.

· Minimum of 3 scholarly sources (in addition to the textbook).

Text Book that needs to be used for this assignment: U.S. History (openstax.org)

YOU MUST INCLUDE AN IN TEXT CITATION FROM THIS TEXTBOOK LINK LISTED ABOVE FROM CHAPTER (18, 21, OR 23 whichever of those three applies to the topic you choose from the options given).

THE APA REFERENCE FOR THIS BOOK IS:

OpenStax. (2014). U.S. history, OpenStax CNX. Retrieved

from https://cnx.org/contents/p7ovuIkl@6.18:gMXC1GEM@7/Introduction

Instructions
Pick one (1) of the following topics. Then, address the corresponding questions/prompts for your selected topic. Use at least one (1) documented example of the corresponding primary source in your writing.

Option 1: Big Business (Monopolies) and Exploitation of Workers
View the following resource:

· Link (video): 
The Progressive Era (Links to an external site.)
 (27:30)

Browse and read one (1) of the following:

· Link (article): 
Triangle Shirtwaist Factory Fire (Links to an external site.)

· Link (library article): 
The Pullman Strike (Links to an external site.)

Then, address the following:

· Explain if big business leaders were “captains of industry,” “shrewd businessmen,” or “robber barons.”

· Based on one of the resources noted for this option, assess American working conditions and exploitation of workers in the Age of Industry.

· Analyze the role that government played in reforming American working conditions.

· Explain the benefits of the Federal Government regulations of monopolies.

· Analyze which progressive presidents attained economic justice and reform for workers.

Option 2: Who is A Progressive?
Review the following site:

· Link (website): 
Presidential Election of 1912: A Resource Guide (Links to an external site.)

Then, address the following:

· According to Roosevelt, what are the characteristics of a progressive?

· Explain and give examples of the characteristics of “anti-progressives.”

· Trace what types of activities “anti-progressives” engaged in?

· Analyze the goals of progressivism.

· Explain what areas of society progressives addressed?

· Analyze the progressive achievements Roosevelt highlights in his speech?

Option 3: World War I
Review the following resources:

· Link (video): 
A War to End All Wars: Part 2 (Links to an external site.)
 (6:56)

· Link (library article): 
The Treaty of Versailles and the Rise of Nazism (Links to an external site.)


Then, address the following:

· Trace the origins of World War I, and assess if the world war was inevitable in 1914?

· Explain if it was possible for the United States to maintain neutrality in World War I. If yes, explain how. If no, explain why not.

· Analyze if the United States should have entered World War I to make the world safe for democracy.

· Analyze if the Treaty of Versailles was a fair and effective settlement for lasting world peace.

· Explain if the United States Senate should have approved of the Treaty of Versailles.

Writing Requirements (APA format)

· Length: 3-4 pages (not including title page or references page)

· 1-inch margins

· Double spaced

· 12-point Times New Roman font

· Title page

· References page

·
In-text citations
that correspond with your end references


Week 6 Assignment Case Study

Instructions
Pick one (1) of the following topics
. Then, address the corresponding questions/prompts for your selected topic. Use at least one (1) documented example of the corresponding primary source in your writing.

Option 1: McCarthyism and Anti-Communist Campaigns
The Cold War brought about an irrational fear of communism and communist activities in the United States. As we are learning this week, one of the most vocal instigators of this paranoia was Senator Joseph McCarthy. McCarthy delivered a speech about the imminent threat of communism on February 9, 1950. Perform a search on the internet and locate and read Joseph McCarthy’s speech given in Wheeling, West Virginia on February 9, 1950. Copy and paste the following keywords into your Google search bar: “Joseph McCarthy, Wheeling, West Virginia.” The speech is also referred to as “Enemies from Within.”

Construct the case study by responding to the following prompts:

· Explain how Senator Joseph McCarthy defined communist nations within the speech. What specific threats did these nations pose?

· Assess if Senator Joseph McCarthy charges were accurate.

· Analyze anti-communist sentiments during the Cold War era, were these sentiments valid. If so, how? If not, why not?

· Explain if there are other examples of events similar to the Red Scare that have occurred throughout history and modern day.

· Examine what happened to people who invoked the Fifth Amendment, refused to appear or were found in violation of the law as defined by the Congressional Committee.

Option 2: The Civil Rights Movement
Using the Internet, locate and read Martin Luther King Jr’s “I Have a Dream” speech given in Washington D.C., August 1963. Copy and paste the following keywords into your Google search bar: “I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.” Feel free also to locate and incorporate additional scholarly sources to respond to this case study, including information on the Civil Rights Movement.

Construct the case study by responding to the following prompts:

· Explain if the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s effectively changed the nation.

· What effect would the Civil Rights Acts have across the continent on minority groups?

· Do you think that the tactics and strategies that civil rights activists used in the 1960s would apply to today’s racial and ethnic conflicts? Why or why not?

· Do the ideas of the 1960s still have relevance today? If so how? If not, why not?

· Analyze how the Civil Rights Movement would impact diversity in America today.

Option 3: American Domestic and Foreign Policies (1953-1991)
Complete a search either in the Chamberlain Library or internet for domestic and foreign polices of four (4) of the following Presidents. Please incorporate at least one primary source of either a policy or act that you have chosen to write about.

· Eisenhower

· Kennedy

· Johnson

· Nixon

· Ford

· Carter

· Reagan

Then, compare domestic and foreign polices of your four (4) presidents by answering the following prompts:

· Explain how your selected presidents worked to improve the United States economically and socially. Give at least one example of each president.

· Assess if the policies of your choice of presidents strengthen or weaken the United States.

· Explain how you see your choice of presidents served the public interest and further the cause of democracy.

· Determine if it is constitutional for the United States to fight preemptive wars.

· Determine if human rights and morality should be the cornerstones of United State foreign policy.

Writing Requirements (APA format)

· Length: 4-5 pages (not including title page and references page)

· 1-inch margins

· Double spaced

· 12-point Times New Roman font

· Title page

· References page

·
In-text citations that correspond with your end reference

·
YOU MUST ADD AN IN-TEXT CITATION FROM
Text Book link listed below for this assignment:

· U.S. History (openstax.org)

FROM CHAPTER (28, 29, OR 30 whichever of those three applies to the topic you choose from the options listed).

THE APA REFERENCE FOR THIS BOOK IS:

OpenStax. (2014). U.S. history, OpenStax CNX. Retrieved

from https://cnx.org/contents/p7ovuIkl@6.18:gMXC1GEM@7/Introduction

·

American history homework help

Essay #2: Protest and Reform
P rof. H el ton, H i story 117A , Sp ri ng 20 22

DU E DA TE : May 2, 202 2

“How does it become a man to behave toward the American government today?”

– Henry David Thoreau, Civil Disobedience

The Constitution and Bill of Rights defined the structure of the US government and the rights of
its citizens. But as the new nation embarked on its experiment with democracy, it soon became
clear that rights were not equally protected for everyone in America.

In the period between the American Revolution and the Civil War, reformers and radicals from
a variety of communities began actively agitating for change and the expansion of rights. The
Declaration of Independence and the Constitution opened the doors to the idea that all
Americans should enjoy equality and liberty. But what steps would be necessary to make these
promises real?

The Assignment:
In a thoughtful, well-written essay, answer the following question:

In the period between 1790 and 1860, what strategies did activists use to agitate for reform?
What methods did they use to influence politics, the government, and public opinion?

In your answer, you may want to consider the abolition movement, the women’s rights
movement, worker’s protests, or any other protest movement from the period that we have
studied. Be sure to cite specific examples from the primary and secondary sources.

Sources:
You are not required to conduct additional research for this assignment. Your answer should
be based on the sources we have examined so far in this class. Your secondary sources are the
class videos and American Yawp. And you must use primary source evidence in this essay.

In particular, you may find these primary sources helpful:

• The Declaration of Sentiments
• Frederick Douglass’ “What to the Slave is the Fourth of July” speech, and his

autobiography
• Civil Disobedience

Format and Requirements:
Your essay should be four to five pages long, with formatting as described in the class syllabus.

Your essay should include a thesis statement that clearly answers the question. Your goal in the
body of the paper is to provide primary and secondary source evidence to support your thesis.
Use specific quotations and examples from the assigned sources to do this.

You must use Chicago style footnotes to document all of your sources. Your essay should
include a properly formatted Bibliography at the end (the Bibliography is not included in the
page count).

The proper format for footnotes and bibliographies can be found in Chapter 16 and 17 of
Turabian.

If you have any questions, please contact me via Canvas Inbox, or email me at
jhelton@ohlone.edu

American history homework help

5

“Indescribable Barbarism”

The Lynching of African Americans

in the Age of Jim Crow

o n j a n u a r y 3 1 , 1 8 9 3 , a sheriff’s posse captured a black man
named Henry Smith at Clow, a flag station on the Arkansas & Louisi-
ana Railway in southwestern Arkansas. They arrested the fugitive for
the rape and murder of Myrtle Vance, a three-year-old white child and
the daughter of the sheriff in Paris, Texas. Smith, a young man with
a record of mental problems, had allegedly killed the child to visit re-
venge upon Sheriff Vance, who had repeatedly brutalized him. When
the posse passed through Texarkana on its way back to Paris, an angry
crowd awaited Smith and his captors. The leaders of the posse were able
to avert a lynching, pleading with the residents of Texarkana to allow
them to return the killer to the scene of his crime, where he would be
brought to justice. The crowd deferred, but hundreds of people boarded
the train to Paris to witness the spectacle that would surely follow. For
it was understood that the posse never intended to deliver Smith to the
legal authorities for trial.

Meanwhile news of Smith’s capture had attracted a gathering of
roughly ten thousand people in Paris. Several men had erected a ten-
foot-high scaffold furnished with a chair and a small furnace. The word
justice was painted in large white letters on the front side of the scaf-
fold. The “justice” administered to Henry Smith consisted of red-hot
irons that Sheriff Vance and several members of his family applied to the
victim’s body for almost an hour. After Smith’s torturers had poked out
his eyes and burned his tongue, they doused the platform with kerosene

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“indescribable barbarism” 91

and set it on fire. As soon as the flames had consumed Smith, onlookers
began scavenging the ashes for whatever parts remained of the scorched
body. Throughout the grisly act, observers had taken photographs, and
the next day newspapers on the East Coast featured graphic eyewitness
accounts of the lynching in Texas.

In her 1894 pamphlet A Red Record, the African-American anti-
lynching activist Ida B. Wells (1862–1931) called the torment of Henry
Smith an “indescribable barbarism” without precedent in the “history of
civilization.” Unfortunately the brutality of the lynching at Paris was by
no means exceptional. During the decades between the end of Recon-
struction and the 1920s, “spectacle lynchings” before large crowds, often
involving drawn out torture, mutilation, burning, and the dismember-
ment of the victim’s body, occurred regularly in the New South. Nor did
witnesses find such events indescribable; in fact they often indulged in
sickening voyeurism. In April 1899, for example, a newspaper depicted
the death of Sam Hose, a black farm worker from rural Georgia charged
with the murder of Alfred Cranford, his white employer, and the rape of
Cranford’s wife, in words that are hard to fathom: “Before the torch was
applied to the pyre the negro was deprived of his ears, fingers and other
portions of his anatomy. The negro pleaded pitifully for his life while
the mutilation was going on, but stood the ordeal of fire with surprising
fortitude. Before the body was cool it was cut to pieces, the bones were
crushed into small bits. . . . The negro’s heart was cut into several pieces,
as was his liver. Those unable to obtain these ghastly relics directly paid
fortunate possessors extravagant sums for them.”

Both contemporary opponents of lynching and historians have pon-
dered the nagging question of why “ordinary Americans” who had
families, went to church, held steady jobs, and otherwise claimed to be
law-abiding citizens were capable of perpetrating such atrocities while
showing no signs of shame or remorse. That question, however, is mis-
leading. Most acts of collective violence in history, including mass mur-
der, genocide, and war crimes, have been committed not by perverted
aberrants but by “ordinary people” acting in perfectly good conscience
because they received orders, believed in noble causes, or simply saw an
opportunity to exert power over life and death with impunity. Most par-
ticipants in lynch mobs viewed themselves as rendering an honorable
service to justice and to the safety of their communities. Thus in order

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Berg, Manfred. Popular Justice : A History of Lynching in America, Ivan R. Dee, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,
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92 popular justice

to understand lynching it is necessary to explore the cultural, social, eco-
nomic, and political forces that sustained mob violence.

The most salient chapter in the history of lynch law in America was
the lynching of African Americans in the late nineteenth and early twen-
tieth centuries. According to the most conservative estimates, slightly
more than 4,700 persons were lynched in the United States between the
early 1880s and World War II. Seventy-three percent of all victims were
blacks. In the South, where more than 80 percent of all lynchings oc-
curred, black deaths were a staggering 83 percent of the total, represent-
ing 3,245 fatalities.

The obvious answer to the question of why white Southerners lynched
African Americans is that lynching was an instrument of racial control.
By the late 1870s the “redeemers” had successfully shaken off the fetters
of Reconstruction, but most white Southerners continued to be deeply
troubled by the fact that they found themselves living amidst a large
black population no longer restrained by the institution of slavery. The
answer to their predicament was to impose a racial caste system of white
supremacy, popularly known as the Jim Crow system, designed to reduce
African Americans to a pariah class without meaningful rights. To this

The lynching of Henry Smith in Paris, Texas, 1893.

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Berg, Manfred. Popular Justice : A History of Lynching in America, Ivan R. Dee, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,
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“indescribable barbarism” 93

end, white Southerners introduced rigid racial segregation along with
“electoral reforms” such as literacy tests and poll taxes to disenfranchise
nearly all black voters.

In the last resort, however, white supremacy depended on the ability
of whites to inflict violent repression on blacks with impunity. Racial vio-
lence in the age of Jim Crow ran a broad gamut, from individual bullying
to wholesale pogroms with dozens of black victims. The so-called race
riots in Wilmington, North Carolina (1898), New Orleans (1900), and
Atlanta (1906) were the most conspicuous events of this type, but many
lesser-known incidents could be added. In 1920, for instance, a confron-
tation in the township of Ocoee in Orange County, Florida, in which a
black farmer killed two attackers in self-defense, resulted in a three-day
orgy of mob violence that left scores of African Americans dead and the
entire village destroyed. Thus the lynching of individuals or small groups
of blacks was only one manifestation of the racist violence that pervaded
life in the Jim Crow South. But lynching was highly visible and effective.

Lynchings did not have to happen every day to fill black communities
with fear and horror. As with all forms of terror, the ever-present threat
sent a powerful message of intimidation. Even slight transgressions of ra-
cial etiquette or misunderstandings might trigger fateful consequences.
When Sandy Reeves, a black youth from rural Georgia, accidentally
dropped a five cent piece in front of his employer’s three-year-old daugh-
ter in September 1918, he should have let the girl keep the nickel instead
of wresting it back from her hands. The child ran home, frantically cry-
ing that Reeves had harmed her. Her parents assumed that the young
man had sexually assaulted their daughter; Reeves was lynched the fol-
lowing night. His fate may appear extreme, but Southern blacks knew
that such incidents could happen to them too.

Lynchers made every effort to ensure that the black community
got their message. They left the bodies of their victims on display for
hours, sometimes even for days, and attached signs warning that future
offenders would meet the same fate. Spectacle lynchings, such as the
burnings of Henry Smith or Sam Hose described earlier, were frighten-
ing reminders that there were virtually no limits to what whites could
do to blacks. Although only about one-tenth of all mob killings were
mass spectacles, they nevertheless epitomized the meaning of lynching
as racist terror staged as communal ritual. Mock trials and confessions,

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Berg, Manfred. Popular Justice : A History of Lynching in America, Ivan R. Dee, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/insu-ebooks/detail.action?docID=662329.
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94 popular justice

even if obtained under torture, were essential to underscore the legiti-
macy of the punishment and to create the impression that the lynching
was tantamount to a legal execution. Extreme cruelty like mutilation
and burning satisfied the popular desire for retribution that fit the
enormity of the crime. The practice of bystanders riddling dead lynch
victims with bullets emphasized community approval. The public exhi-
bition of body parts as trophies symbolized the triumph over a common
enemy. Because the excessive violence of spectacle lynchings was rarely
applied to white victims, no one could miss the point that the cruelty
served the purpose of dehumanizing African Americans. Replicating
a pattern that had been established during two centuries of slavery,
lynchers treated blacks as inferior “brutes” who were insensitive to any
but the most horrible physical pain.

But why did so many white Southerners believe they had to go to such
extremes in order “to keep the Negro in his place”? After all, whites
were a substantial majority of the population in most regions of the
South. They held all positions of political power and owned nearly all the
wealth. Certainly whites had absolute control of the criminal justice sys-
tem and could make sure that blacks who were accused of crimes against
whites faced severe punishment. There was also no need to use violence
in order to keep the races separate. Although African Americans wanted
political and civic equality, they had very little interest in social involve-
ment with white people because interracial contacts only reinforced their
subordinate status. At closer look it becomes clear that, in addition to in-
timidating blacks, racist mob violence in the South helped restore racial
solidarity among Southern whites.

During Reconstruction most white Southerners, regardless of social
class, had supported the struggle against “Negro rule” by all means neces-
sary. But once redemption was complete, class tensions within the white
South reemerged. A key reason was the decline of cotton prices. Many
small farmers went into debt, lost their farms, and became tenants or
sharecroppers. The agrarian crisis sparked a powerful protest movement,
known as populism, which challenged the dominance of the Southern
planter and business elites. The Populists were willing to forge inter-
racial alliances based on the common economic interests of lower-class
whites and blacks. The ruling conservative Democrats, used to manipu-
lating the black vote in their own favor, responded by waging a ruthless

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“indescribable barbarism” 95

campaign for white supremacy that once again employed lynching and
vigilantism as instruments of political terrorism. Lynching peaked in the
early 1890s, at the height of the Populist revolt and its conservative back-
lash. In the election year of 1892, at least 161 blacks were lynched, many
of whom were involved in the Populist movement.

Attempts to lynch black Populists sometimes led to amazing conse-
quences. In late October 1892 H. S. Doyle, an African-American Populist
leader from Georgia, received threats to his life and fled to the home of
Thomas Watson, the most prominent white Populist in the state. Watson
immediately summoned an army of two thousand white supporters for
Doyle’s protection. In the end, however, the divide-and-conquer strategy
of the conservative elites succeeded in driving a wedge into the fledgling
interracial alliance. The Southern Democrats first adopted key items of
the Populist program, then persuaded the white majority that “the Ne-
gro” was the source of all Southern troubles and had to be disfranchised,
segregated, and forcibly kept in his place if tranquility was to return.
As the historian C. Vann Woodward put it, the black man became “the
scapegoat in the reconciliation of estranged white classes.” Indeed, some
scholars have argued that the role of blacks as scapegoats goes a long way
in explaining Southern lynchings, pointing out that whenever cotton
prices fell, mob violence increased. Lynching, they have concluded, was
most of all a way for lower-class whites to vent their economic frustration
against their black competitors. The failure of interracial solidarity in the
Populist movement showed that for most white Southerners race came
before class. Poor whites, a disillusioned Tom Watson noted, “would joy-
ously hug the chains of wretchedness rather than do any experimenting
on the race question.“ For his part, Watson decided to stake his political
fortunes on white supremacy. He turned into a race-baiting demagogue
and a vociferous apologist of lynching.

The appeal to the joint class interests of poor whites and blacks
foundered on a powerful cultural legacy that demanded conformity on
racial issues from all Southern whites. The institution of slavery had
accustomed whites to the ideas that blacks stood outside the ordinary
law and that all whites were responsible for controlling a potentially
rebellious population of outcasts. It was no coincidence that some mob
killings of African Americans in the New South resembled the insur-
rection scares of the antebellum days. In 1901, for example, a mob of

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96 popular justice

two hundred white men hunted down and hanged two blacks in Boss-
ier Parish, Louisiana, for allegedly slaying a local white man. The two
killers, the local newspaper insinuated, had been members of a conspir-
acy ring responsible for the recent murder of several whites. Hence the
lynching was a “necessary precaution” to protect the white community
from a black uprising.

Slavery as a legal and social institution had provided white Southern-
ers with a sense of unquestionable superiority and relative safety vis-à-vis
black slaves. Emancipation had not only ended human bondage but had
made blacks equal citizens before the law. In the eyes of many whites,
this was an insult and a threat to their own status, and they made ev-
ery effort to undermine the political and civic advancement of the freed
people. Nevertheless blacks in the South now struggled steadfastly to ac-
quire a modicum of education and economic independence, challenging
the racist dogma that they were fit only for menial agricultural labor un-
der white supervision. Moreover younger African Americans who had
no personal recollection of slavery refused to wear the mask of subservi-
ence that their enslaved parents had been forced to adopt. Many whites
were deeply disturbed by what they perceived as a new black assertive-
ness. “Too many negroes,” the Atlanta Constitution warned in 1889, “are
either mad or bad, and they are increasing in number.” Supposedly these
“bad niggers” were responsible for the crime wave that seemed to plague
the South in the late nineteenth century. Black men who tried to make
a living as migrant workers faced the highest risk of incurring mob vio-
lence. The notorious black “floater,” whites complained, was roaming
the roads day and night, looking for an opportunity to steal and making
it unsafe for women to leave home without male protection.

White supremacists concluded that the “impudence” of the first gen-
eration of freeborn African Americans proved that blacks were relaps-
ing into savagery, now that the civilizing institution of slavery had been
unwisely abolished. In their rhetoric, white racism knew no limits.
James K. Vardaman, a leading politician from Mississippi, character-
ized “the Negro” as a “lazy, lying, lustful animal which no conceiv-
able amount of training can transform into a tolerable citizen.” Works
of fiction and pseudoscientific tracts, with such titles as The Negro: a
Beast or The Negro: A Menace to American Civilization, endlessly be-
labored the purported racial deterioration of African Americans and

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“indescribable barbarism” 97

their mortal threat to white Americans in general and white Southern-
ers in particular. Freedom, the proponents of this ideology contended,
had unleashed the supposedly insatiable sexual appetite of black males,
driving them to rape white women at every opportunity. Thus lynch-
ing was essential for the protection of white women because only the
sight of instant and merciless revenge could impress potential black
rapists with sufficient terror. Furthermore no true white man could
resist the impulse to avenge outrages against helpless women, regard-
less of legal constraints. “Whenever the Constitution comes between
me and the virtue of white women,” South Carolina governor Coleman
Blease boasted, “I say to hell with the Constitution.”

It is difficult to exaggerate the pervasiveness of the “Negro-as-savage-
rapist” theme in debates over lynching in the age of Jim Crow. To be
sure, these notions of uncontrollable black male sexuality and the need
to preserve the “purity of the white race” were not new. In the late nine-
teenth century, however, black-on-white rape became an obsession. The
historian Jacquelyn Dowd Hall has called it “a kind of acceptable folk
pornography,” which the white Southern press circulated with great rel-
ish. Some scholars have speculated that the fascination with the black
rapist mirrored the repressed sexual fantasies of white men who vicari-
ously punished black men for their own secret desires. The specter of
the black rapist also helped cement the patriarchical dominance of white
men over their wives and daughters at a time when traditional family
life on the farm was giving way to a situation of more and more white
women seeking wage labor outside the home. To gain protection against
the menace of rape, women had to yield to male authority and accept
strict limitations of what they could do and where they could go.

The idea that white women might voluntarily agree to sexual rela-
tions with black men was anathema to white men. To maintain the
pretense of white racial and moral supremacy over black depravity,
any sexual contact between a black man and a white woman had to be
rape. For white men who discovered a female family member having
a consensual affair with a black man, the obvious way to protect the
honor of the family was to lynch the black “rapist.” For white women
who had engaged in interracial sex, sacrificing their lovers by bringing
rape charges could be a way to escape shame and ostracism. Sometimes
women were left with no other choice. In her 1892 anti-lynching treatise

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98 popular justice

Southern Horrors, Ida B. Wells reported the harrowing story of a mob in
Texarkana that forced a white woman to accuse her lover of rape before
the man was burned to death.

In addition to denying the possibility of consensual sex between a white
woman and a black man, many white Southerners entertained paranoid
notions of what constituted sexual assault. Because black men were said
to be constantly lusting after white females of any age, there could be
no innocuous situations. In 1917 an illiterate black man in Georgia was
lynched because he had asked a little white girl to read a letter to him.

Black men occasionally did rape white women. But most certainly
the wave of black-on-white rape that the apologists of lynching claimed
threatened the white womanhood of the South was a racist fantasy, albeit
a powerful one. Therefore anti-lynching activists worked hard to dis-
credit the argument that rape was the root cause of lynching. According
to various statistics they collected for the decades between the 1880s and
World War II, in roughly 75 percent of all lynching cases sexual assault
was not even alleged, let alone affirmed. All the same, rape dominated
the public perception of lynching. Not surprisingly, Southern race baiters
ignored the evidence that most lynchings had nothing to do with sex-
ual crimes. Yet the rape myth also found widespread acceptance among
white mainstream Americans outside the South.

Typically, Northern opinion leaders condemned lynching as unac-
ceptable lawlessness. But they conceded that rape was its main cause
and called upon the black community to curb sexual crime. In 1904
President Theodore Roosevelt, in a speech in Little Rock, Arkansas,
pontificated that “the worst enemy of the Negro race is the Negro
criminal of that type . . . and every reputable colored man owes it as
his first duty to himself to hunt down that criminal with all his soul
and strength.” Even prominent supporters of black civil rights joined
the chorus. In 1901 the influential white social reformer Jane Addams,
who eight years later helped found the interracial National Association
for the Advancement of Colored People (naacp), declared that she was
willing “to give the Southern citizens the full benefit of their position”
on the rape issue. Most academic works on lynching, either explicitly or
implicitly, accepted the causal link between rape and mob violence. As
late as 1933 the sociologist Arthur Raper (ironically named in this in-
stance), in his study The Tragedy of Lynching, alluded to the rape myth

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“indescribable barbarism” 99

when he suggested that “Negroes can contribute much to the eridica-
tion of lynching, by demonstrating the ability, character, and good citi-
zenship of the race.” Thus white mainstream opinion placed African
Americans in a double bind by blaming lynching on black rapists and
at the same time burdening the black community with the responsibil-
ity for eliminating its alleged cause.

The discrepancy between the popular obsession with rape on the one
hand and the claim of anti-lynching groups that charges of sexual crime
played a role in only one of four lynchings requires a closer look. The
available numbers on the precipitating events of lynchings provide the
following picture: Charges of homicide were by far the single most im-
portant trigger, accounting for 41 percent of all incidents, followed by
rape and attempted rape (25.3 percent), robbery and theft (4.9 percent),
felonious assault (4.3 percent), and insult to a white person (1.8 percent).
More than one in five lynchings (22.7 percent) fell into the category of
“other reasons.” The overriding significance of murder is not a surprise
given that the Southern states in the late nineteenth century had by far the
highest homicide rates in the country, exceeding those of New England
by ten to thirty times. Contemporary observers blamed the high level of
personal violence on the traditional Southern code of honor that led to
countless violent confrontations with a fatal ending. Because many white
Southerners saw their criminal justice system as weak and inefficient,
they believed they had no alternative to taking the law into their own
hands, either by seeking individual revenge or by meting out communal
punishment. Blacks who killed whites almost invariably provoked com-
munity outrage and became likely targets of mob violence.

Yet the story of black-on-white murder as a cause of lynching requires
no less critical scrutiny than the rape myth. African Americans killing or
assaulting whites represented but a tiny fraction of all violent crime, if
only for the fact that most acts of personal violence occur among friends
and family members. Still, whenever a black person committed homicide
or assault against a white person—or was suspected to have done so—
mob violence became highly likely regardless of whether the suspect had
already been taken into custody. Given the racist prejudice of the times,
blacks accused of violent crimes against white people had little chance of
receiving a fair trial. In many cases public rage against the black mur-
derer obscured the evidence of what had actually happened. Numerous

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100 popular justice

blacks who were lynched for murdering a white person may have been
perfectly innocent of any crime or acted in legitimate self-defense.

In 1903 a mob lynched Jennie Steers, a black domestic, for poisoning
the daughter of her employer, a wealthy Louisiana planter. Whether the
girl had died as a result of natural causes or a devious crime remained
unclear. But the traditional fears of Southern planters that their black
servants were constantly plotting to poison them made Jennie Steers an
expedient scapegoat for the unexpected loss of a loved family member.
Accusing an African American could also be a convenient way to cover
up a crime. In 1918 James Cobb, a black man from Cordelle, Georgia,
was lynched for the murder of Mrs. Simmons, a white woman, though
the victim’s father suspected his son-in-law to be the real culprit. Of
course Cobb’s demise precluded further investigation.

Other murder charges grew out of interracial confrontations in which
blacks often acted in self-defense. In the case of Sam Hose, the black
farm worker burned to death in Georgia in 1899, private investigators
hired by anti-lynching groups contested the widely publicized reports
that Hose had crushed Alfred Cranford’s head while the unsuspecting
man was eating his supper, and then raped Mrs. Cranford. According
to their findings, Hose and his boss had been arguing over the worker’s
request for an advance. When Cranford grew angry and drew his pistol,
Hose flung his axe at him, killing him on the spot. Sensationalist news-
paper stories, however, quickly portrayed the black man as a monstrous
killer and sexual predator for whom only the most gruesome torture was
fitting retribution.

It is impossible to determine if Hose killed Cranford in self-defense.
Obviously the opponents of lynch law had a stake in claiming that the
victims of mob killings either were innocent or had acted under miti-
gating circumstances. In contrast, white Southerners who cherished their
own right to self-defense would not countenance the idea that blacks
also had a right to protect themselves, their families, their property, and
their honor against provocations from whites. Southern planters, in par-
ticular, took black deference for granted and continued to assume that
they had a right to discipline their “insolent” black laborers and share-
croppers. Whenever blacks defied the authority of white employers or
fought back, the situation was bound to escalate. In 1904 a black tenant
farmer in Georgia killed his landlord in an altercation that resulted from

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Berg, Manfred. Popular Justice : A History of Lynching in America, Ivan R. Dee,

American history homework help

Title: U.S. History
Publisher: OpenStax
Publication Date: 2014
APA Citation

OpenStax. (2019). U.S. history. OpenStax CNX. Retrieved from
https://cnx.org/contents/p7ovuIkl@6.18:gMXC1GEM@7/Introduction

PLEASE FOLLOW DIRECTIONS AND USE
THE BOOK AS WELL.

Week 2 Discussion 2: Confederation and
Constitution
66 unread replies.66 replies.

Required Resources
Read/review the following resources for this activity:

• Textbook: Chapter 7, 8
• Lesson
• Link (website): Articles of Confederation (1777) (Links to an external site.)
• Minimum of 1 scholarly source (in addition to the textbook)

Initial Post
For the initial post, address the following:

• Pick two (2) issues of the Articles of Confederation and describe the main problems
that the United States was faced with under the Federation government.

• Analyze two major debates (see textbook Section 7.4) by which the Constitution was
created in the summer of 1787.

Then, address one (1) of the following to your initial post:

• Discuss the ratification process of the Constitution of 1787.
• How did ratification lead to the formation of America’s first two political parties, the

Federalists and Anti-Federalist?
• What were the major differences between the Federalist and Anti-Federalist, and who

were the best-known members of each party?

American history homework help

/

Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History
Volume 17, Number 3, Winter 2016
Johns Hopkins University Press
Article
Viewed | Saved to MyMUSE library

View Citation

Additional Information

Institutional Violence and the Law in Apartheid South Africa
Natacha Filippi

Abstract

In apartheid South Africa, prisons and psychiatric hospitals played a specific role in the imposition of “law and order” on a society which shared many features with other colonial settings. By examining the
di�erent dynamics relating to institutional violence, a process in which one must be wary of the ethical problems that may arise for the researcher, a clearer picture of apartheid violence and its relation to the law
emerges. Prisons and psychiatric hospitals were permeable institutions which allowed for the transfer of modalities of violence, subjugation, resistance, collaboration and repression. These institutions actually
functioned as magnifying glasses revealing the mechanisms of state control through the dissemination of fear in the South African society.

Studying Violence: Ethics and contemporary analyses

Violence, at first sight, seems an unexplainable phenomenon. That may well be what partly defines it, that some of its aspects are ultimately ungraspable, because of its profoundly disruptive
character—of the sense of self-being, of narratives, of the boundaries of one’s body, of social structures. But violence is also a productive force, and, to some extent, a reproductive one. Studying
violence brings to the fore the ethical problems linked to the positionality of the researcher and, especially in postcolonial contexts, the essential intrusiveness of his/her work. While leading
interviews in South Africa with inmates, warders and former political prisoners, one paradox that bothered me hinged on understanding why, if violence could be apprehended as a mere structural
and historical construct, the act of inquiring about and listening to testimonies of its occurrence was so profoundly disturbing. One of the reasons is that, when attempting to analyse it, one needs to
remember that violence is above all an intimate experience of disruption, partial annihilation and power branded on a person’s body and mind, whether that person was subjected to it or responsible
for it. Hence, if violence is a breaking point, and a moment of ambiguous feelings about one’s identity, then the ethical problem encountered by the researcher is linked to the fact that he/she forces
the occurrence of violence to re-emerge; that he/she potentially reproduces and mirrors the violence of the past event by his/her identities (as—o�en—a White/Occidental, middle-class individual in
an assumed position of knowledge); and involuntarily embodies an exterior and retrospective judgment over the lasting ambiguous feelings produced by the experience of violence.

Bearing in mind these cautions, the study of violence dynamics in closed institutions can still prove extremely relevant. In the case of apartheid South Africa, their analysis from the 1960s to the
1990s informs us on the nature of the state and the modalities of resistance developed against its repression. Prisons and psychiatric hospitals are, indeed, particularly good places to investigate the
state in both its regimented and di�use aspects, a state defined as, to take up Patrick Anderson’s definition, “an assemblage of forces and drives, techniques and tactics—o�en organised as violence—
performed in discrete sites and scenes.” Through the analysis of Pollsmoor Prison and Valkenberg Psychiatric Hospital in the Western Cape, South Africa, from the 1960s to the 1990s, this article
wishes to point out the di�erent logics underlying the historical manifestations of violence inside and around closed institutions in apartheid South Africa. Inherent to prisons and psychiatric
hospitals, and especially their maximum security sections, institutional violence constituted a strategy of governance, a way to subjugate and eliminate those deemed as deviant at di�erent points in
time. It also materialised a model of fear imposed on the rest of society, showing how patterns of violence crossed the walls of closed institutions.

Investigating the evolution of institutional violence inside two of apartheid’s closed institutions sheds light on the changing dynamics of control, repression, survival and resistance in apartheid
South Africa. As such, this study inscribes itself in a corpus of works that have focused on, albeit at di�erent periods of time or at di�erent places, the connections between prisons, psychiatric
hospitals and the South African governing body and administration. It also wishes to contribute to the broader literature on the links between colonialism, the political economy of health, psychiatry
and punishment. More specifically, this work owes much to the debate on the historical links between violence, gangs, identity formation in closed spaces, sexual abuse and power dynamics. By
highlighting the normative aspects of some classic works on gangs and more generally on criminal violence in South Africa, the studies involved in the debate point out the crucial role played by
repressive institutions of social control such as prisons, psychiatric hospitals and the system of pass laws in shaping the historical development of patterns of violence that came to permeate many
aspects of the apartheid society.

In colonial contexts like in twentieth-century South Africa, the law adjudicated and punished various forms of violence, albeit with the exception of the violence of the state. This form of violence,
instead, was legitimised, performed and carried out by the same law that, turning to the “criminal” realm, sanctioned ordinary citizens through sentences of corporal punishment, imprisonment and
diverse forms of social and civil death. The historical relationship between Pollsmoor Prison and Valkenberg Psychiatric Hospital in the Western Cape during the second half of apartheid is shot
through with such violence. This article first presents the institutional routinised violence as it prevailed in Pollsmoor and Valkenberg during apartheid before turning to the violence of “inside”
survival and resistance in their specific form as mimicry. Although much more needs to be said, I chose these aspects because they bring attention to the specificity and representativeness of the
violence inscribed in closed institutions. In doing so, I do not attempt to unveil universal and atemporal logics which supposedly underlie violent phenomena. On the reverse, I wish to remain close to
the experience of violence, which subsumes its very nature as an event.

The research I present below is based on internal documents from Pollsmoor Prison and, to a lesser extent because of di�iculties of access, from Valkenberg Psychiatric Hospital. It also gathers
information from commissions of inquiry, reports from organisations of resistance, as well as personal and public papers on law, justice and psychiatry held in South African national and regional
archives. Newspapers have also been consulted in order to appraise the evolution of public opinion and the emergence of voices and events in the public sphere. Finally, in order to compensate for
the partiality of archives and to try to apprehend the experiences of di�erent historical actors, I have led a number of interviews with inmates, warders, former political prisoners, psychiatrists,
lawyers and psychologists.

“Law and Order” Inside Pollsmoor Prison

Pollsmoor Prison is situated some 40 km south-east of Cape Town, isolated from the city by the Cape Peninsula mountain range. The plethora of laws passed by the apartheid government since its
accession to power in 1948 led to such a sharp rise in incarceration rates that existing prisons in the Western Cape could not cope with the daily influx of awaiting-trial and convicted prisoners.
Pollsmoor was opened in 1964 and transformed rapidly during apartheid. Indeed, the legal system created an image of a dangerous urban black population that threatened the white minority with
degeneration, physical violations and violent uprisings. Pass laws, combined with penal laws on alcoholism and drug dealing, prompted an increase in arrests and prison numbers. The situation
worsened in the late 1970s with the township insurrections, prompting the arrest of thousands of young Blacks under the Terrorism Act of 1967.

Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History

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As Florence Bernault has shown for other African colonies, the “African [was] largely perceived as essentially criminal, as the descendant of a degenerated race who [could] eventually get out of the
vitiated gangue of subaltern society thanks to contact with European law.” In apartheid South Africa, such “contact” could take place at any level of one’s public or private life, as the law strove to
regulate a variety of simple social acts relating to, among others, freedom of speech, interracial sex (under the Immorality Act of 1957, itself an extension of the Immorality Act of 1927), freedom of
movement, as restricted by the pass laws, or the production of alcohol by “non-Whites.” Any deviance, be it perceived as social, political or mental, could easily lead to extensive periods of awaiting-
trial incarceration, detention without trial, prison sentences, psychiatric admissions or, in cases where the perceived violence of the o�enders was deemed beyond any possible rehabilitation and
seemed to require an exemplary sentence, the death penalty.

It is in this context that Pollsmoor rapidly expanded from its first prison, Medium A, designed for Black inmates, to four additional prisons: Medium B, reserved for White prisoners only; the
Maximum Security section; a female prison, which included a section for juveniles; and Medium C, built at the end of apartheid for minimum security prisoners. This carceral complex was
characterised by chronic overcrowding, a labyrinth of corridors, communal cells where more than fi�y inmates could be crammed together and a panoply of heavy gates opened by large iron keys.
Pollsmoor administration subjected the large awaiting-trial population to the same treatment that convicted prisoners received, a treatment characterised by violent disciplinary measures, economic
exploitation and daily mortifications.

During the day, warders maintained order inside prison through the use of dogs, teargas and tonfas until 1996. They extensively resorted to solitary confinement and reduced diet sentences for
infractions to the regulations as small as the illegal possession of a “cup of sugar.” Although throughout apartheid, the di�erent amendments to the Prison Act of 1959 progressively imposed limits
to the number of days allowed for solitary confinement, practice inside prisons was hard to change, as few mechanisms of control existed to curtail the warders’ habits. Added to the o�icial
censorship surrounding any event or information related to prisons, the arbitrary length of detention in isolation sections reinforced the feeling of a profound vulnerability to the violence of the
disciplinary system.

The Prisons Services imposed a stringent military hierarchy articulated along racial lines on the prison personnel. White and “non-White” warders had to parade every morning in two di�erent
groups and had to use distinct toilets and lockers. Black personnel got the most degrading jobs, such as night-shi� surveillance of the compound, while Coloured warders worked in the sections and
senior White guards ruled over the prison from their o�ices. Each group received di�erent salaries and allowances. Subordination to this hierarchy, which most Black warders heavily resented,
greatly emphasised the overall perception by the prison population that humiliation and disciplinary measures constituted normal features of everyday life in this environment. Despite the Prisons
Services’ public rhetoric, violence was one of the sole principles underlying the regulations enforced on prisoners. One could either accept to give in, and gradually come to integrate it as a common
characteristic of prison life, or confront it, and be submitted to increased violence.

Immediately upon admission, warders made clear to the inmate that from then onwards, “profanations” of his/her self and violent imposition of a new regulation on his/her most intimate gestures
would mark the rhythm of incarcerated life. In Pollsmoor during apartheid, the extremely intrusive violence of the admission procedure reflected the forthcoming daily abuse of the sentenced life.
In the female section, complaints against strip searches sometimes occurred, forcing the administration to call a doctor to check if the inmate’s hymen had not been torn during the process. On the
male side, warders sometimes had to transfer prisoners to hospitals a�er strip searching them.

Once the inmate was stripped of his/her self, warders strove to assign him/her a new identity through a mechanism of categorisation, and submit him/her to a new social arrangement, based on a
system of sanctions and privileges. In Pollsmoor, like in other prisons under apartheid, five apparently strict but actually fluctuating lines of categorisation divided the incarcerated population: race,
gender, behaviour, status (political or common-law) and medical state (both physical and mental). In 1979, Pollsmoor administration introduced a disciplinary board—called the “X Court”—that
performed a simulacrum of justice in a militarised environment where prisoners were forbidden to talk to the warders, unless spoken to. This innovation merely reinforced the dramaturgy of power
prevailing in the institution and prison life remained organised through the bestowal of privileges and the distribution of punishments. The latter included, among others, forms of public flogging,
being held naked, in mechanical restraints such as handcu�s, chains and leg-irons or in a straitjacket during solitary confinement, food and medicine deprivation, threats, verbal humiliations and
collective beatings.

This disciplinary system, because it mostly hinged on corporal punishments, could appear as an archaic way of governance in an “autonomous microsociety.” However, in South Africa during the
second half of the twentieth century, corporal punishments were hardly confined to prisons. Judges, for instance, commonly used whipping as a sentence. The division of the population into
di�erent racial categories, from which derived various degrees of privileges and distinct forms of repression, formed the basis of a segregationist system that drew from other colonial patterns. Indeed,
as Steven Pierce and Anupama Rao have explained:

Colonial disciplinary correction was understood to be a consequence of native inadequacy, which justified the use of almost any level of force and violence. The visceral, embodied experiences
of domination and control—the immediate manifestation of colonial corporeality—were an integral part of governmental practices of codifying, categorizing, and racializing di�erence. Various
corporeal technologies, and most specifically bodily violence, have acted to mark and constitute boundaries of alterity.

Pollsmoor, with its characteristic disciplinary system, could therefore be seen, rather than a “microsociety,” as a magnifying glass revealing the dynamics of state control on the outside. Like
psychiatric hospitals, prisons were walled-o� margins of society that were sometimes archaic, sometimes ahead of social changes, and whose study provides an acute understanding of the links
between the violence prevailing inside closed institutions and the dynamics of state control.

Violence and Subjugation in the Asylum

Valkenberg Psychiatric Hospital was built in 1896. It was the first South African hospital designed to cater for mentally-ill patients only, and was exclusively reserved for Whites. In the 1910s, a new
section, Uitvlugt, opened for Black and Coloured patients on the other side of one of the two rivers bordering the hospital. Valkenberg architecture reflected the will to reform psychiatric practices in
the colony on the model of British asylums and to implement a racial segregation deemed necessary to foster mental healing. In the 1930s and 1940s, despite several threats by the government to
close down the hospital’s decaying buildings, Valkenberg continued to be operational. Although gradual changes were implemented from the 1960s onwards, Valkenberg was renowned, up to the
end of the democratic transition, for chronic overpopulation, degrading living conditions, the brutality of nurses, and the quasi-absence of therapeutic treatments. The asylum remained the
epitome of an archaic colonial psychiatric ward.

In 1976, at a time of increasing state repression, Valkenberg inaugurated its new Maximum Security section, also called Ward 20. Initially designed to be part of Pollsmoor Prison, it was eventually
built on the “Black side” of the hospital. Its architecture was therefore identical to that of Pollsmoor, though slightly less safety-oriented. Ward 20 housed, in overpopulated large dormitories, some
of them deprived of windows, Black prisoners categorised as “psychopaths” and detainees under psychiatric observation during their trial. It also accommodated o�enders who could not stand trial
and that psychiatrists had certified as State President Patients.

The dynamics guiding people’s transfers between Pollsmoor and Valkenberg were complex and varied over time. Warders rarely took into account the complaints of prisoners who actually su�ered
from the brutality of prison conditions or from former experiences and required some psychiatric assistance. O�en, the only attention they received came down to sedatives administered by warders
trained as nurses and advised by visiting psychiatrists. While the latter criticised the lack of facilities inside Pollsmoor where they could visit prisoners, they considered many of the prisoners’
complaints as mere malingering. For the prison administration, the ambiguous relation between the two institutions constituted a conscious strategy and was perpetuated as such. Sending the
most troublesome inmates to Valkenberg Maximum Security ward helped to maintain order inside Pollsmoor. During periods of tension inside the prison, warders tended to transfer inmates who,
once they arrived at the psychiatric hospital, were subjected to tests and diagnoses that did not corroborate, in the medical o�icers’ eyes, the supposed existence of mental illness. Psychiatrists
hence periodically sent inmates back to Pollsmoor, participating in a singular trade of misbehaving and insubordinate prisoners. Despite occasional reluctance from forensic psychiatrists, Ward 20
resembled the psychiatric wing of the Attica prison as described by Michel Foucault: it indeed operated as “the machine of the machine, or rather the elimination of elimination, elimination in the
second degree” in the “curious mechanism of circular elimination” underlying the prison system.

The gradual changes implemented from the mid-1960s onward did not have an impact on the fact that Valkenberg continued to embody the usual stigma attached to madness, and was, until the
1980s, an institution renowned for the brutality of the treatment received by Black patients. The only “medical care” considered as e�ective consisted in forced electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) and
neuroleptics. Moreover, according to the medical discourse of the time, Black patients were not supposed to need any anaesthetic before ECT sessions, which took place three times a week. Some
psychologists, who had to go through their clinical probation in Valkenberg during the 1970s, heavily criticised the hospital’s archaic structures and methods. Patients’ committals stretched over

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long and indefinite periods of time. On the “Black side” of the asylum, and even more so on Ward 20, White nurses who had not received any psychiatric training brutally forced patients to undergo
ECT treatment. In the entire hospital, nurses administered sedative antipsychotics in large doses, sometimes three times over the prescribed amount, and rapidly transformed patients into haggard
figures mumbling incoherent words.

By defining and punishing the criminal deviancy of “non-Whites” through a multiplicity of racial laws restricting their movements and actions, penal and psychiatric discourses instituted all Blacks
and Coloureds as potential criminals who could only be reformed with the help of the White minority. Although the scope of this article does not allow for a detailed analysis of the incarceration
process implemented against White prisoners and patients, the way they were treated inside closed institutions and the adjudication over their deviancy which took place in court also reveal crucial
dynamics in the disciplinarisation of White communities.49 For instance, psychiatrists alleged, during apartheid, that Whites were more prone to depression and “complex” mental illnesses than their
Black counterparts. According to the same discourse, while Black crime mainly stemmed from “disculturation,” White crime found its roots in exaggerated wealth and the decline of moral values.

Although they shared many aspects, the textures of violence inherent to Pollsmoor Prison and to Valkenberg Hospital di�ered, particularly in the degree of terror and obedience produced by the
administration. Even though South Africa, like other British colonies, did not witness a “great confinement” strategy in relation to mental health incarceration, the apartheid asylum still embodied, to
take up Foucault’s words, “power in its naked state,” “the medically intensified reality, … the medical power-knowledge that has no other function than to be the agent of reality itself.” In
Valkenberg, the medical discourse that attempted to shape every element of the inmate’s identity could destroy his/her sense of autonomous self to an even greater extent that in Pollsmoor. Ward 20
brought this domination to an extreme, as it physically and symbolically subjected the “criminal mentally-ill” to a double violence, the one of the law and of the psychiatric order. For this reason, and
because of the nature of the hospital’s archives, the modalities of resistance and survival taking place inside prisons throughout apartheid le� more numerous traces in the records.

Gangs, Resistance and Mimicry: Violence as bounding and “cleansing”

Studies on South African violence have o�en either focused on the brutality of state repression and the retaliation of resistance movements, or analysed crime and gang formations as fascinating or
regrettable fratricidal “subcultures.” The links and mutual feeding between these di�erent forms of violence as well as the changing impact of apartheid structural violence on the everyday life of
South Africans still need further investigation. Forced removals, police and army repression, economic exploitation di�erentiated on the basis of race, as well as social and civic deprivation constituted
some of the main dimensions of this structural violence. As shown by Shula Marks and Neil Andersson, the allocation of health resources, which a�ected mental hospitals, also influenced in a
significant way “the totality of social and productive relations” in the apartheid society.

This structural violence had an impact on the chronic overcrowding of Pollsmoor Prison and Valkenberg Hospital. Indeed, this overcrowding did not derive only from insu�icient facilities, limited
budget and a dehumanising ideology which implied that criminals and mentally-ill patients could be held in warehouse conditions. In South Africa, the rate of crime has, during the twentieth century
and up to now, been extremely high. To understand the links between crime and the social conditions created by the apartheid regime, one can view crime as part of a “matrix of cultural violence
which is integral to continued social inequality and racial domination.” However, one should be wary of analysing delinquency as resulting from “psycho-social stress and the destruction of the
family” or from “criminal deviancy,” for this perspective can only provide an incomplete and o�en normative image of the outlaws. When looking at the structural violence of apartheid and crime,
one needs to take into account broader historical dynamics of state control, mine industry, prison-compound complex and oppression characteristic of colonialism, as Charles van Onselen and Gary
Kynoch have skilfully done.

Mental deviancy aside, the social and legal appearances of which are far harder to tackle, the law shaped violent social deviancy during apartheid, and increasingly so from the 1970s onwards, into
three categories: political, criminal and, in between, the threatening manifestation of the swart gevaar—the “Black peril”—or the fear of the “Black mob.” On the ground, the relationships between the
people involved in these categorised events were entangled and blurred, ranging from conflict to collaboration and instrumentalisation of one group by another. Nancy Scheper-Hugues collected
testimonies on how young comrades engaged in the struggle against apartheid used and “politicised” skollies (gangsters) in order to, among others, retain the di�erence between “clean” political
violence and criminal “brutality.” These kinds of relationships reinforced the connections between the inside and the outside of closed institutions and took a specific pattern within prisons. On the
inside, the relationships among “political” and “common-law” prisoners wavered between overt hate and physical confrontation—in the case of gang members being instrumentalised by the prison
administration to spy on or even torture political prisoners—and mutual help, when common-law prisoners introduced newspapers and passed messages to the outside and political prisoners shared
the benefits of their privileges, particularly food packages. Interestingly, although such exchanges were nevertheless marked by a certain degree of loathing on the part of political prisoners in the
male sections, female political prisoners appear to have established relationships of stronger solidarity with their common-law counterparts.

Since its opening in 1964, Pollsmoor had been renowned for the sheer violence it enclosed within its walls. Such a reputation could seem peculiar, when compared to other South African prisons
such as Robben Island; Pretoria Central, where prisoners sentenced to death were hanged until 1995; or Zonderwater, also called “psycho city,” which detained “psychopaths” sentenced to life
imprisonment. Pollsmoor’s reputation actually lay in the presence of the Number, a structure composed of three brother gangs, at a scale unmatched in any other jail. During apartheid, the prison
administration and the leaders of the Number supervised two parallel orders that secured the balance ensuring the perpetuation of prison as a viable institution. A mythology, constructed around the
historical figure of Jan Note, served as the basis for the gang’s organisation and doctrine. The three gangs that composed the Number, the 26’s, 27’s and 28’s, attained their full strength during
apartheid. Members conceived their own military ranks, which they symbolically represented by tattooing their bodies. In a context where the body has become an object of power, disposable by
others than oneself, this practice of tattooing in prison o�en constitutes an ultimate resort of auto-determination. In the case of the Number, tattooing involved even further meaning, as each ink
symbol constituted a hint as to the rank and a�iliation of the prisoner.

The intricate rules of the system were based on di�erent—and o�en codified and illegal—systems of communication. Zackie Achmat, incarcerated in 1978 at Pollsmoor, described his entrance in a
cell governed by the 28’s in the following terms:

Within minutes all the toilet bowls in the Remand Section were flushed and all the water was removed from the one in our cell. In this way, the sound was carried through the entire sewage
system of the block. This system allowed prisoners to communicate with each other illegally, with a diminished threat of punishment and discovery by the warders. When we arrived the 28s
had to report to the General—they had to account for the loot gained from the newly arrived prisoners.

Members also invented a parallel system of justice and a new language, called sabela. Willem Schurink, who established a detailed list of the di�erent ranks held in the “private-line” and “blood-
line” of the 28’s, pointed out that the Number guaranteed the “fulfilment of physical, psychological and social needs.” In his 1989 study, he commented on the fact that “Number gangs provide
camaraderie, status, protection and in the case of the 28 sexual outlets are also provided. ‘Welfare services’ also make provisions for permanent disability and retirement.” The Number’s o�icial
objective was to create a united force strong enough to attack the prison system, and more broadly to challenge apartheid’s economic and racial injustice. Members defined themselves as “freedom
fighters,” or “bandits,” to demonstrate that the frontier between criminal and political motives was blurred and linked to issues of ordinary governance under apartheid.

Detained in a “state of injury,” their lives akin to the slave’s “perfect figure of the shadow” as described by Achille Mbembe, the majority of Pollsmoor male inmates during apartheid reacted to the
debasing brutality of the system through the violence of the Number. The procedure of admission to the gangs was shot through with violence. Following one of the entrance procedures, the inmate
desiring to become a “member” had to stab a warder with a sharpened tool, undergo without a word the beating that would automatically ensue, be kept naked in an isolation cell for a minimum
period of a month, where he would endure further beating from the warders, before his toughness would open for him the doors of the Number. Other such acts against the prison sta� would then
punctuate his career across the ranks of the 26’s, th

American history homework help

SECTION I: Identifications (IDs)

Please give the definition of each term below from lecture, as well as a date or time period. Then, explain the argument of the lecture that term came from and how it is related to the term. Your answer should be 3-4 sentences in length for each term. The textbook may be used to double-check dates and names, but should not be used to answer IDs. I do not want the Wikipedia or textbook definition of a term or argument, but the definition we discussed in class. Simply copying and pasting the lecture argument that the identification term came from is not sufficient; you must explain how the identification term itself fits/relates to the argument. 

 

Impressment Before 1812

Indian Removal Act

General Anti-Slavery Convention

Filibustering

Dred Scott Decision

 

Example of an “A+” ID:


Chaco Canyon, near present day New Mexico, was a massive Pueblo metropolis until its demise due to drought and deforestation in 1130. At its peak over 15,000 thousand people lived in the city, which was built up around caves with building as high as five stories and as wide as two acres. Kivas, a dugout room for religious ceremonies, were also common in many of the homes and buildings. The existence of pre-European metropolises like Chaco Canyon prove that native peoples were not “discovered” in North America, but existed and created complex civilizations long before colonialism.

(The identification term and the lecture argument from which it came from are both underlined here.)

 

 SECTION II: Essay Question,

Please answer the following essay question, drawing on relevant course lectures and readings. Be sure to answer the question and establish an argument. Do not use long or frequent quotations from course materials; use your own words whenever possible. For any information you use in your answer, indicate the source from which you’ve drawn that information from, either through naming the reading or source title or providing a citation (let me know somehow where you got this information or argument from). Your answer should run two pages double-spaced minimum, and you should begin your answer with the number of the question you’ve chosen to answer. Please note that for the essay portion, your grade will depend not only on how well you answer the question but also on how wide a variety of readings and lecture materials you use in writing your answer. A decent essay includes at least three references to class readings.

 

Essay: From the American Revolution to the Civil War, how did American slavery evolve? What role did slavery play in national issues during this period? You may include (but are not limited to): political party formations, the market revolution, the abolitionist and anti-slavery movements, western expansion, and the expansion (or lack thereof) of democracy for different groups of Americans.

American history homework help

Title: U.S. History
Publisher: OpenStax
Publication Date: 2014
APA Citation

OpenStax. (2019). U.S. history. OpenStax CNX. Retrieved from
https://cnx.org/contents/p7ovuIkl@6.18:gMXC1GEM@7/Introduction

PLEASE FOLLOW DIRECTIONS AND USE
THE BOOK AS WELL.

Week 2 Discussion 2: Confederation and
Constitution
66 unread replies.66 replies.

Required Resources
Read/review the following resources for this activity:

• Textbook: Chapter 7, 8
• Lesson
• Link (website): Articles of Confederation (1777) (Links to an external site.)
• Minimum of 1 scholarly source (in addition to the textbook)

Initial Post
For the initial post, address the following:

• Pick two (2) issues of the Articles of Confederation and describe the main problems
that the United States was faced with under the Federation government.

• Analyze two major debates (see textbook Section 7.4) by which the Constitution was
created in the summer of 1787.

Then, address one (1) of the following to your initial post:

• Discuss the ratification process of the Constitution of 1787.
• How did ratification lead to the formation of America’s first two political parties, the

Federalists and Anti-Federalist?
• What were the major differences between the Federalist and Anti-Federalist, and who

were the best-known members of each party?

American history homework help

SECTION I: Identifications (IDs)

Please give the definition of each term below from lecture, as well as a date or time period. Then, explain the argument of the lecture that term came from and how it is related to the term. Your answer should be 3-4 sentences in length for each term. The textbook may be used to double-check dates and names, but should not be used to answer IDs. I do not want the Wikipedia or textbook definition of a term or argument, but the definition we discussed in class. Simply copying and pasting the lecture argument that the identification term came from is not sufficient; you must explain how the identification term itself fits/relates to the argument. 

 

Impressment Before 1812

Indian Removal Act

General Anti-Slavery Convention

Filibustering

Dred Scott Decision

 

Example of an “A+” ID:


Chaco Canyon, near present day New Mexico, was a massive Pueblo metropolis until its demise due to drought and deforestation in 1130. At its peak over 15,000 thousand people lived in the city, which was built up around caves with building as high as five stories and as wide as two acres. Kivas, a dugout room for religious ceremonies, were also common in many of the homes and buildings. The existence of pre-European metropolises like Chaco Canyon prove that native peoples were not “discovered” in North America, but existed and created complex civilizations long before colonialism.

(The identification term and the lecture argument from which it came from are both underlined here.)

 

 SECTION II: Essay Question,

Please answer the following essay question, drawing on relevant course lectures and readings. Be sure to answer the question and establish an argument. Do not use long or frequent quotations from course materials; use your own words whenever possible. For any information you use in your answer, indicate the source from which you’ve drawn that information from, either through naming the reading or source title or providing a citation (let me know somehow where you got this information or argument from). Your answer should run two pages double-spaced minimum, and you should begin your answer with the number of the question you’ve chosen to answer. Please note that for the essay portion, your grade will depend not only on how well you answer the question but also on how wide a variety of readings and lecture materials you use in writing your answer. A decent essay includes at least three references to class readings.

 

Essay: From the American Revolution to the Civil War, how did American slavery evolve? What role did slavery play in national issues during this period? You may include (but are not limited to): political party formations, the market revolution, the abolitionist and anti-slavery movements, western expansion, and the expansion (or lack thereof) of democracy for different groups of Americans.

American history homework help

Title: U.S. History
Publisher: OpenStax
Publication Date: 2014
APA Citation

OpenStax. (2019). U.S. history. OpenStax CNX. Retrieved
from https://cnx.org/contents/p7ovuIkl@6.18:gMXC1GEM@7/Introduction

PLEASE FOLLOW THE INSTRUCTIONS BELOW

• Textbook: Chapter 3, 4

• Minimum of 1 scholarly source (in addition to the textbook)

For your discussion forum topic this week we will be discussing the early British
settlements in North America. For the initial post, pick two (2) of the following
settlements:

• Southern colonies
• Chesapeake colonies
• Middle colonies
• New England colonies

Then, address the following for your selections:

• Compare and contrast the settlement patterns.
• What forces and ideas shaped their origin?
• Examine the influence of religion for those settlements (e.g., Puritanism, Quakers, and

the Anglican Church).

Remember, in order to have a chance to earn full credit in the weekly discussions you
must make at least one high quality initial post that requires research (don’t forget the
80%/20% rule on quoted material to avoid an academic integrity violation). The bottom
line is, I want to know what you think, what you’ve learned, and your
assimilation/application of the materials, not what somebody else thinks. When
students really put their very best effort into the discussion forums each week they learn
more and retain that information longer. Also, avoid evaluating or complimenting your
classmates posts. Get into the material, stay in the material and you’ll have a much
better chance at earning full credit and learning/retaining more at the same time.1

American history homework help

5

The Heyday of Apartheid

The National Party retained control of government from 1948 until
1994, and the history of South Africa in the second half of the twentieth
century was dominated by apartheid and the resistance it evoked. But
apartheid was not static or monolithic. Each decade, broadly speaking, was
marked by differences in both the content and the implementation of the
policy, as well as in ways of resistance. In this chapter we shall examine
these changes in the heyday of apartheid between the 1950s and the 1976
Soweto revolt.

The 1950s: constructing apartheid

During the first decade of National Party government, a barrage of legisla-
tion codified and extended racial discrimination. As we have seen, much
of this had precedents in segregationist laws and practices earlier in the
century, but from the late 1940s the partial breakdown of segregation that
had taken place during the years of the Second World War was reversed,
and legislative discrimination was taken much further than before.

The cornerstone of apartheid was the division of all South Africans by
race. Malan thus moved early to ensure the compartmentalization of the
population. The prohibition of ‘mixed marriages’ (1949) and the Immorality
Act (1950) extended the existing ban on sex between whites and Africans
outside marriage to prohibit all sexual contact between whites and other
South Africans, including Indians and coloreds. Racial division in the
future was the goal. And the Population Registration Act of the same year

The Making of Modern South Africa: Conquest, Apartheid, Democracy, Fifth Edition.
Nigel Worden.
© 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2012 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated.
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THE HEyDAy oF APARTHEID 105

enforced the classification of people into four racial categories: white,
colored, ‘Asiatic’ (Indian) and ‘Native’ (later ‘Bantu’ or African).

In subsequent years this rigid schema was extended to virtually every
sphere of human activity. Residential segregation had existed in some parts
of the country since the earlier part of the century, but the Group Areas
Act (1950) extended the principle of separate racial residential areas on a
comprehensive and compulsory basis (Mabin 1992). Its application was
particularly felt in the cities, where forced removals were often justified by
policies of slum clearance and coincided with modernist theories of town
planning that involved massive urban restructuring (Parnell and Mabin
1995). With such justifications, Indian residents were moved out of the
centre of Pretoria and Durban. Many colored inhabitants of Cape Town
suburbs were relocated in segregated areas on the fringes of the city: plans
for the demolition of the central District Six area had in fact been formu-
lated before the Second World War (Bickford-Smith et al. 1999: 152–4). In
1954 the Natives Resettlement Act gave the state the power to override local
municipalities and forcibly remove Africans to separate townships. Some
of the first casualties were the African freehold areas of western Johannesburg
such as Sophiatown, whose inhabitants were relocated to the new township
at Soweto in 1955.

The Reservation of Separate Amenities Act (1953) enforced social seg-
regation in all public amenities, such as transport, cinemas, restaurants and
sports facilities. And educational apartheid was enforced in schools (1953),
technical colleges (1955) and universities (1959). African schooling was still
neither free nor compulsory, as it was for whites. Certainly, educational
provision for Africans before this period had been unequal and most gov-
ernment schools separated white and African pupils. However, the Bantu
Education Act (1953) brought all African schools under the control of the
Department of Native Affairs, thus phasing out the independent mission-
ary institutions which had previously led the field in African education and
were viewed as breeding grounds for African independent thinking and
protest. The Act imposed a uniform curriculum which stressed separate
‘Bantu culture’ and deliberately prepared students for little more than
manual labor. Verwoerd, then Minister of Native Affairs, commented that
many previous educators of Africans ‘misled them by showing them the
green pastures of European society in which they are not allowed to graze’
(Christie and Collins 1984: 173).

White political monopoly of power was further tightened in the early
1950s. The advisory Natives Representative Council, set up in 1936, was

Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated.
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106 THE HEyDAy oF APARTHEID

abolished. The Bantu Authorities Act (1951) replaced it with government-
approved chiefs in the reserves, but made no provision for the representa-
tion of Africans in the towns and ‘white’ rural areas. The system of white
parliamentary representation for Indians, established in 1946, was also
ended. The only remaining ‘non-white’ representation in Parliament was
that of coloreds in the Cape. The National Party’s electoral majority in 1948
was slender, and many marginal seats contained a number of colored voters
who had largely supported the United Party and who bitterly opposed the
discrimination of the Population Registration, Group Areas and Separate
Amenities legislation. In 1951 the government attempted to have them
removed from the voters’ roll. Such an action was only passed in Parliament
with a bare majority and was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme
Court. The government overcame this obstacle by rapidly appointing new
senators to the upper house of Parliament who ensured the required two-
thirds majority. Despite large-scale demonstrations of opposition by both
coloreds and the white war veteran Torch Commando, in 1956 coloreds
were registered on a separate roll and were restricted to electing four white
representatives to Parliament (a system abolished in 1970). Total white
monopoly of parliamentary power was thus obtained.

Colored disenfranchisement showed that the National Party was deter-
mined to go to great lengths to ensure its electoral survival, although it
increased its majority in the 1953 election, colored voters notwithstanding.
other legislation increased government control over its non-parliamentary
opponents. The Suppression of Communism Act (1950) gave the Minister
of Justice the power to ban any person or organization he viewed as ‘com-
munist’, a broad definition which included almost all opposition to apart-
heid. Powers were developed to confine people to single magisterial districts
and to silence their writings and speeches, a forerunner of the security
legislation of later years. And the 1953 Criminal Law Amendment Act
prescribed heavy penalties for civil disobedience, a response to the organ-
ized campaigns of the previous year (see pp. 108–10).

All of these white supremacist actions met with the approval of every
sector of the broad Afrikaner nationalist alliance. A more controversial
plank of apartheid legislation in the 1950s related to control over black
labor. African urbanization and assertive labor organization had been the
main feature of the breakdown of segregation in the 1940s, and Malan’s
call for restrictions on African workers and firmer influx control attracted
much support in 1948. During the first few years of National Party power,
a number of measures attempted to put such a policy into effect. Strikes

Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated.
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THE HEyDAy oF APARTHEID 107

by Africans were made illegal in 1953, and although black trade unions
were not prohibited outright, employers were not obliged to negotiate with
them and many of their leaders were banned under the Suppression of
Communism Act. Labor bureaux were established in 1951 under the
control of the Native Affairs Department to coordinate the needs of employ-
ers in particular regions and the recruitment of Africans to work in the
towns, ensuring that they did not leave ‘white’ rural areas until the needs
of local farmers had been met. Illegal ‘squatting’ in urban areas was pro-
hibited in 1951, and in 1952 the orwellian-named Abolition of Passes and
Coordination of Documents Act insisted that all Africans (including previ-
ously exempted women) carry a reference book to include an employer’s
signature renewed each month, authorization to be in a particular area and
tax certificates. Under Section 10 of the 1955 Natives (Urban Areas)
Amendment Act, rights of Africans to live in a town were confined to those
who had been born there or had worked there for fifteen years or for ten
years with a single employer. All others needed a permit to stay for longer
than three days.

As Posel (1991) has argued, the 1955 Act demonstrated the triumph of
a more pragmatic ‘practical’ approach to segregation over the ‘total’ segre-
gation of men like Eiselen, who argued that all African economic activity
and labor should be concentrated in the reserves (see p. 102). The needs of
agricultural and urban employers for a steady supply of African labor
determined government policy. Thus Africans should be permitted to move
to towns if they were genuinely seeking work, and Section 10 recognized
that ‘detribalized’ Africans had rights to urban residence whether or not
they were employed there, thus providing a ‘labor pool’ for urban employ-
ers. An example of this was Zwelitsha, near King William’s Town, which
had been established in the 1940s. Inhabitants of the surrounding Ciskei
reserve were initially encouraged to abandon farming and to form urban
nuclear families with prescribed gender roles of male entrepreneurship and
female home-making, following middle-class white norms. By the mid-
1950s such ideas were abandoned and Zwelitsha became simply a labor
pool of proletarianized workers for local industry (Mager 1999: 47–67).
Although pass laws were imposed, the labor bureaux were only partially
successful in directing labor to where it was demanded. Employers circum-
vented many of these controls when it suited them to do so.

The needs of business explain why the segregation of the 1950s remained
‘practical’, and influx control was not strictly applied. Similarly, while the
government still had a rather uncertain electoral majority and no central

Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated.
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108 THE HEyDAy oF APARTHEID

control over local municipalities, it was reluctant to attempt full-scale
urban removals and the implementation of ‘total’ segregation. All this was
to change in the subsequent decade.

In the 1958 election the National Party obtained almost twice as many
seats as its opponents. Part of this increasing parliamentary strength
resulted from ploys such as the removal of the colored franchise, the incor-
poration of the white (predominantly Nationalist) electorate of South-
West Africa and the redrawing of constituency boundaries to favour rural
areas over United Party urban strongholds. But clearly apartheid genuinely
appealed to an increasing majority of the white electorate. Why was this?
Many Afrikaners approved the power exerted by a party in their name and
the moves to break with Britain, as marked by the abolition of rights of
appeal to the Privy Council (1950) and assumption of control over the
British naval base at Simonstown (1955). But it was clear by 1958 that the
Nationalists was also attracting English-speaking voters away from the
United Party. The latter saw its sixty-five seats held in 1948 whittled down
to fifty-three, most of them going to the National Party.

Most whites supported the apparent limits to African urbanization
imposed by the government and the suppression of resistance. But most
significantly apartheid policies had not interrupted economic growth, and
white living standards increased steadily. Farmers benefited from increased
produce prices and workers from racial job reservation. Although many
English-speaking manufacturers and industrialists were alienated from
Afrikaner nationalist politics, they were able to maintain and expand pro-
duction and enjoyed tariff protection. Gold production expanded mark-
edly, with the exploitation of new fields in the Free State. Foreign investment,
encouraged by cheap labor, furthered white prosperity, and there was little
external criticism of apartheid policies. only at the end of the decade did
this change, with international condemnation and the flight of capital after
the Sharpeville shootings. By then the National Party, now led by Hendrik
Verwoerd, had acquired sufficient confidence and power to ride the storm.

The 1950s: Defiance and the Freedom Charter

The 1950s saw an unprecedented upsurge of popular protest. In some ways
this was a logical development from the trends seen in the 1940s, notably
the doubling of the African urban population, employment in secondary
industry and trade union organization. But it was given a new impetus
by the imposition of apartheid laws and the social engineering of the

Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated.
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THE HEyDAy oF APARTHEID 109

Nationalist government. The intransigence of influx control (and especially
the extension of passes to women), forced removals and the imposition of
Bantu Education all led to resistance in the towns, drawing in both popular
and middle classes. Despite the assault on union power, labor leaders
organized protests around issues of low wages and price increases. Nor was
resistance confined to the cities. Government intervention in reserve agri-
culture and the unpopularity of measures carried out by chiefs appointed
under the Bantu Authorities Act led to a number of rural protest move-
ments. And the international context of decolonization elsewhere in Africa
gave black political leaders hope that the construction of apartheid was a
temporary aberration soon to be swept away in the wake of popular support
for African nationalism.

Many of the tactics employed in this resistance, such as boycotts, staya-
ways, strikes and civil disobedience, were those advocated in the African
National Congress’s (ANC’s) Programme of Action of 1949 (see p. 95). In
1952 the ANC and the Communist Party jointly launched the Defiance
Campaign to protest against the government’s new discriminatory legisla-
tion, with the aim of mobilizing widespread defiance of unjust laws such
as curfews, pass laws and segregation of amenities. over 8,000 people were
arrested for defiance actions, mainly in the eastern Cape and on the Rand,
and during the period of 1951–3 ANC membership grew dramatically from
7,000 to 100,000 (Lodge 1987: 310). Albert Lutuli, elected ANC President
in late 1952, supported the principle of mass action in a clear break from
the more conservative techniques of his predecessors. The Defiance
Campaign was broken by the banning and imprisonment of many of its
organizers, by legislation forbidding civil disobedience (the Criminal Law
Amendment Act of 1953), and by outbreaks of violence in Port Elizabeth
and East London led by disaffected youth and women. But the impetus for
mass campaigns was clearly established. The relocation of Sophiatown,
which began in 1953, was resisted by local residents. Property owners
refused to sign away their rights and, together with other tenants who
would not move voluntarily, had to be forcibly relocated by the police. In
1954 the ANC called for a boycott of the new Bantu Education schools, an
action that achieved considerable success initially on the Rand and in the
eastern Cape. However, ANC promises of alternative informal education
were only partially fulfilled, and when the government threatened to black-
list teachers who supported the boycott and permanently to deny education
to any children not enrolled by April of the academic year, opposition to
Bantu Education collapsed.

Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated.
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110 THE HEyDAy oF APARTHEID

More sustained campaigns were carried out from 1952 by women
against the carrying of passes. The Federation of South African Women,
founded in 1954, linked to the ANC but drawing on other liberal support-
ers, coordinated campaigns of non-registration, pass burning and petition-
ing, culminating in 1956 in a mass demonstration of 26,000 women from
throughout the country at the Union Buildings in Pretoria. This opposition
certainly slowed down state action in extending passes to African women,
but it failed to prevent it. The government began issuing passes to women
in remoter rural areas, and then to the most vulnerable urban workers, such
as domestic workers and nurses, the latter being threatened with dismissal
if they refused to comply.

By 1959, the anti-pass campaign was over. Women’s protest turned
instead to focus on police raids against shebeens (sites of illegal drinking
but also township sociability), which threatened the dependence of many
township women on informal beer-brewing (Mager 2010). In 1959 women
in the shanty settlement of Cato Manor near Durban and in other parts of
Natal picketed municipal beer halls, and in some cases attacked them and
destroyed brewing equipment. Police broke up the protestors, but a boycott
of beer halls followed, coordinated by the local branch of the ANC’s
Women’s League. Protest by women was an important part of popular
mobilization in the 1950s, but this was not so much a feminist attempt
to overthrow the existing social order as opposition to state interference
in the established rights and status of women. Indeed, Lodge has described
some of the goals of the campaigns as ‘highly conservative . . . though no
less justifiable for that’ (1983: 151). Edwards (1996) has argued that the
Cato Manor attacks were in part motivated by women who were facing
removal to the impoverished reserves, and who targeted local men in the
beer halls who had obtained housing in the new KwaMashu township and
were thus breaking local community cohesion.

other community-based actions emerged in the late 1950s. In 1957
buses were boycotted in the Rand township of Alexandra in campaigns
against increased fares that invoked memories of the campaigns of 1944
(see p. 71). In the wake of this, union leaders in the newly formed South
African Council of Trade Unions convinced the ANC of the need for a
wider campaign around economic issues. The £1-a-day campaign of 1957–
8 called for a minimum wage and better working conditions, but its tactics
of stayaway, combined in 1958 with protest against the white election of
that year, met with only limited success. Police were readily able to identify
those who remained at home, and dismissals for absenteeism from work

Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated.
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THE HEyDAy oF APARTHEID 111

took place. Moreover, as Feit has pointed out, the campaign was untimely.
Wage levels were not noticeably lower than usual, and a number of urban
workers were earning more than £1 a day (1967: 17). And the white election
was of less immediate concern than day-to-day issues in the townships.
Campaigns of this kind were difficult to sustain. Specific and limited targets
were better supported.

Perhaps the most successful mass campaigns of the decade took place
not in the towns but in the countryside. Impoverishment was increasing
in the reserves, accentuated by the impact of migrant labor and overcrowd-
ing. In the Transkei and Ciskei, young men were unable to obtain cattle
and so establish homesteads, and instead asserted their masculinity through
age cohort organizations and competitive fighting (Mager 1998). Rural
conflicts around issues of impoverishment and state intervention were not
new, but they rose to new heights in the late 1940s and the 1950s (Chaskalson
1988). Attempts by the government to improve reserve agriculture, by ‘bet-
terment’ schemes of cattle culling and limitations on grazing were particu-
larly threatening to men who controlled livestock and were fiercely resisted
at a time when the sole means of survival for many homesteads was access
to such land and stock (Mager 1999). Moreover, the Bantu Authorities Act
made local chiefs responsible for these measures, as well as for tax collec-
tion. By implementing state policies many of them forfeited local recogni-
tion of their powers, and their appointment by the government further
undermined their authority in such situations.

Attacks on local chiefs took place in the northern Transvaal (Soutpansberg
and Sekhukhuneland) in the 1940s and again in 1958. In Witzieshoek, in
the northern Free State, cattle were seized by reserve inhabitants before they
could be culled, fences were torn down and clashes with the police took
place. In Zeerust in the western Transvaal in 1957 chiefs appointed by the
Bantu Affairs Department were deposed, and similar actions took place in
both Natal and the Transkei. In Sekhukhuneland returning migrants joined
local residents to form the Sebatakgomo organization, at least partially
linked to the Communist Party and the ANC. They attacked chiefs who
accepted the authority of the Bantu Affairs Department and their sympa-
thizers (Delius 1996). In Pondoland in 1960 a major revolt took place
against government chiefs and agents. Many of these uprisings used tradi-
tional symbols and appeals. But they were by no means all ‘backward-
looking’ peasant revolts. Links were made with urban protests especially in
regions where migrants brought news of other campaigns, such as those
against Bantu Education or passes for women. But in general, although they

Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated.
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112 THE HEyDAy oF APARTHEID

did succeed in stalling state interventions, rural protest movements
remained parochial in impact (Lodge 1983).

Indeed, all the popular struggles of the 1950s failed to realize their
potential fully in challenging the state. one of the reasons for this, much
debated by historians, was the nature of the relationship between mass
mobilization and the leadership of the national organizations, in particular
the ANC. Was the ANC now converted from the elitist and essentially
conservative body of the 1930s to a new and mass-based movement with
more radical goals and heightened impact? Some writers have argued that
this was indeed the case, either in coordination with the labor movement
as the political base for a new class consciousness heralded by the 1946
mine workers’ strike (o’Meara 1976), or in the broader sense that the ANC
acted as the vanguard party planning and sustaining all popular move-
ments of the decade (Pampallis 1991: 191–211).

But other historians have pointed out the limitations of these argu-
ments. Links with trade union branches were made, but the middle-
class leaders of the ANC were still uneasy in a proletarian alliance and
local campaigns often went beyond the calls of ANC leadership, or else were
not supported at all by the organization (Lambert 1981; Fine and Davis
1991). Broader populist causes rather than class-conscious action domi-
nated ANC activities. Feit (1971) goes further, arguing that ANC leader-
ship was detached from any popular base, that communication and
coordination of actions were at best patchy, and that many campaigns failed
as a result.

For instance, in Sophiatown the ANC appeared more concerned with
the rights of property owners than with the plight of the larger number of
tenants or the wider issue of forced removals, and it was divided over how
far to resist legal eviction orders. Leaders were also split over how far to
take the school boycott and were often unaware of the extent of local com-
munity support. During the Alexandra bus boycott, Congress’s acceptance
of the compromise by which employers could obtain transport rebates to
pass on to their employees rather than lowering fares for all was rejected
by many in the community as a sell-out. And only gradually did the urban
leaders of the ANC come to recognize the importance of the rural areas.
Although there was some linkage with the Sekhukhuneland revolt of 1958,
it was not until the uprisings in Pondoland in 1960 that they accepted
the full potential of rural mobilization (Bundy 1987a). In general, the
1950s seems to have been a decade of heightened defiance, but also of lost
opportunities.

Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated.
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THE HEyDAy oF APARTHEID 113

Some of these debates show as much about the political sympathies and
priorities of the writers in later years as they do about the nature of political
mobilization in the 1950s. Clearly, the ANC failed to mobilize and coordi-
nate widespread unified protest, as much because of its limited financial
and administrative resources and heightened state repression as because of
the conscious alienation of its leaders from popular or working-class inter-
ests. Lodge, however, has pointed out that the situation was more complex
(1987). ANC leaders were not merely ‘middle-class’ professionals alienated
from popular issues. With the segregationist thrust of the 1950s, African
experiences were widely felt across class lines, and issues such as Bantu
Education or passes for women affected everyone.

Case studies have shown that particular local circumstances need to
be considered when assessing the effectiveness of campaigns and of
national leadership. Thus in East London, active support was obtained for
the Defiance Campaign by the dynamic local youth League, which also
drew in migrants from the surrounding Ciskei reserve, but the lack of a
large urban proletariat led to emphasis on communal rather than class
issues in later years (Lodge 1987). By contrast, unionized textile workers in
Benoni organized a number of strikes and stoppages; but organizers had
difficulty in linking these up with the interests of the unemployed, who
were more concerned with general survival than specific issues, and
mobilized around gangs split on ethnic lines rather than labor or national
organizations (Bonner and Lambert 1987). In Brakpan, stronger cross-class
unity took place around issues of Bantu Education, curfews and pass
laws, but these tended to be focused around locally elected councilors
rather than national leaders, who failed to realize the extent of local feeling
(Sapire 1989a).

The opposition movements not only faced difficulties of tactics and
popular mobilization. They were also increasingly divided in terms of ide-
ology. Some of these divisions were rooted in the differing organizations
of the 1940s. For instance, the Non-European Unity Movement stressed the
importance of tactics of boycott and non-collaboration, which had an
impact on some of the defiance campaigns, particularly in the rejection of
Bantu Education schools.

But its theoretical focus on the interests of the working class and its
refusal to recognize race as a valid category of political organization alien-
ated it from the ANC, which it believed advocated ‘pro-capitalist, anti-
working class . . . bourgeois social democracy’. The Unity Movement’s
strength lay in the western Cape, but although it was strong on theory,

Worden, N. (2012). The making of modern south africa : Conquest, apartheid, democracy. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated.
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114 THE HEyDAy oF APARTHEID

advocating a Trotskyist line, it never mustered the degree of numerical
active support obtained by the ANC (Nasson 1990).

But there were also divisions within the ANC. The crucial issue was
whether Congress should link up with other organizations opposing apart-
heid, such as the radical white Congress of Democrats, or whether it should
follow a strictly Africanist course, rejecting association with all non-African
associations, ranging in political terms from the moderate Liberal Party to
the Communist Party. Under Lutuli the former policy triumphed. In the
aftermath of the Defiance Campaign, and in the face of government
banning of civil disobedience, plans were made to bring together oppo-
nents of apartheid in the hope that sheer numbers and force of moral
argument would lead to its overthrow.

It was also felt necessary to demonstrate multiracial unity to counter
charges made by the state that racial segregation was natural and desired
by all. The example it frequently gave of the dangers of inter-racial contact
was the violent conflicts between Africans and Indians that took place in
Durb

American history homework help

Title: U.S. History
Publisher: OpenStax
Publication Date: 2014
APA Citation

OpenStax. (2019). U.S. history. OpenStax CNX. Retrieved
from https://cnx.org/contents/p7ovuIkl@6.18:gMXC1GEM@7/Introduction

PLEASE FOLLOW THE INSTRUCTIONS BELOW

• Textbook: Chapter 3, 4

• Minimum of 1 scholarly source (in addition to the textbook)

For your discussion forum topic this week we will be discussing the early British
settlements in North America. For the initial post, pick two (2) of the following
settlements:

• Southern colonies
• Chesapeake colonies
• Middle colonies
• New England colonies

Then, address the following for your selections:

• Compare and contrast the settlement patterns.
• What forces and ideas shaped their origin?
• Examine the influence of religion for those settlements (e.g., Puritanism, Quakers, and

the Anglican Church).

Remember, in order to have a chance to earn full credit in the weekly discussions you
must make at least one high quality initial post that requires research (don’t forget the
80%/20% rule on quoted material to avoid an academic integrity violation). The bottom
line is, I want to know what you think, what you’ve learned, and your
assimilation/application of the materials, not what somebody else thinks. When
students really put their very best effort into the discussion forums each week they learn
more and retain that information longer. Also, avoid evaluating or complimenting your
classmates posts. Get into the material, stay in the material and you’ll have a much
better chance at earning full credit and learning/retaining more at the same time.1

American history homework help

The six faded letters are all that remain, and few people notice them. I would never have seen them if a friend hadn’t pointed them out to me while we walked through New Orleans’s French Quarter. I certainly wouldn’t have realized their significance.

On Chartres Street, above a beautifully arched doorway, is a curious and enigmatic inscription: “CHANGE.” Now part of the facade of the Omni Royal Orleans Hotel, the letters mark the onetime site of the St. Louis Hotel & Exchange, where, under the building’s famed rotunda, enslaved people were once sold.

Image

The onetime site of New Orleans’s St. Louis Hotel & Exchange, where enslaved people were once sold.

All human landscapes are embedded with cultural meaning. And since we rarely consider our constructions as evidence of our priorities, beliefs and behaviors, the testimonies our landscapes offer are more honest than many of the things we intentionally present.

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Our built environment, in other words, is a kind of societal autobiography, writ large.

Image

The old Greyhound bus station in Jackson, Miss. The station was the site of many arrests in 1961, when Freedom Riders rode interstate buses into the segregated South.

Image

The E. F. Young Jr. Hotel in Meridian, Miss. The hotel, owned and operated by Mr. Young, provided lodging for Black travelers who were excluded from other hotels during the Jim Crow era.

Several years ago, I began to photographically document vestiges of racism, oppression and segregation in America’s built and natural environments — lingering traces that were hidden in plain sight behind a veil of banality.

Some of the sites I found were unmarked, overlooked and largely forgotten: bricked-over “Colored” entrances to movie theaters, or walls built inside restaurants to separate nonwhite customers. Other photographs capture the Black institutions that arose in response to racial segregation: a Negro league stadium in Michigan, a hotel for Black travelers in Mississippi. And a handful of the photographs depict the sites where Black people were attacked, killed or abducted — some marked and widely known, some not.

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I called the project Ghosts of Segregation.

Image

On Jan. 3, 1966, Sammy Younge Jr., a 21-year-old Black college student, was murdered for trying to use this bathroom — then reserved for white customers — at a service station in Tuskegee, Ala.

The small side window at Edd’s Drive-In, for example, a restaurant in Pascagoula, Miss., appears to be a drive-up. It was actually a segregated window used in the Jim Crow-era to serve Black customers.

The locked black double doors aside Seattle’s Moore Theatre might be mistaken for a service entrance. In fact, this was once the “Colored” entrance used by nonwhite moviegoers to access the theater’s second balcony.

Image

At far right, the onetime “Colored” window at Edd’s Drive-In, in Pascagoula, Miss.

Image

A onetime “Colored” restroom in Tylertown, Miss.

Image

The 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Ala., which was bombed by members of the Ku Klux Klan on September 15, 1963, killing four girls and injuring many others.

These sites surround us, but finding and verifying them requires months of due diligence.

Many of the places I’ve photographed were found after conducting research online, in person and on location. I have reached out to scholars, historians and ordinary people who might share their insights, experiences and suggestions. Local libraries and museums often guide me to forgotten places. Historical preservation websites and publications such as The Oxford American, The Clarion-Ledger and many other news sources add immeasurably to my understanding.

Image

Formerly a Tastee-Freez, this site in Meadville, Miss., was the last place Charles Eddie Moore and Henry Hezekiah Dee were seen alive. The two Black men, both 19, were abducted by Ku Klux Klan members, tortured and drowned in the Mississippi River in 1964.

In 2018, I was perusing the website for the Seattle Civil Rights & Labor History Project, which led me to a theater company site that mentioned the Moore Theatre’s segregated entrance. Another site, historylink.org, helped confirm the nature of the door and identify its precise location. Google Street View allowed me to get a sense of its relatively current state.

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Read more about this series, The World Through a Lens:


Letting Their Cameras Transport You

With some of the finest photojournalists as your guide, The World Through a Lens series offers immersive escapes.

Aug. 3, 2020

The very existence of the door shocked me. I had walked past it countless times over the 40 years I’ve lived in Seattle, never giving it a thought. It wasn’t until the summer of 2020 that the tragic nature of this obscure door resonated with the sobering reminder on the marquee.

Image

The onetime “Colored” entrance to Moore Theatre in Seattle.

Image

The bricked-over “Colored” entrance at the Hattiesburg Saenger Theater, in Hattiesburg, Miss.

Image

At left, the onetime segregated entrance to the Ellis Theatre in Philadelphia, Miss.

After being tipped off by a contributor to a website called Preservation in Mississippi, I verified the history of the window at Edd’s Drive-In with the manager, Becky Hasty, who told me that the owners had retained it as a reminder of the past. “If we don’t remember where we’ve been,” she said, “we might get lost again.”

Image

Foster Auditorium at the University of Alabama, in Tuscaloosa. The auditorium was the site of the Stand in the Schoolhouse Door, Gov. George C. Wallace’s infamous attempt to block the entry of two Black students, Vivian Malone and James Hood, and stop the desegregation of Alabama’s educational system.

Slavery is often referred to as America’s “original sin.” Its demons still haunt us in the form of segregated housing, education, health care, employment. Through these photographs, I’m trying to preserve the physical evidence of that sin — because, when the telling traces are erased, the lessons risk being lost.

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Image

Hamtramck Stadium, a Negro league baseball stadium, in Hamtramck, Mich.

Many of the locations I’ve documented have already disappeared. The painted sign for Clark’s Cafe in Huntington, Ore., which trumpeted “ALL WHITE HELP,” was destroyed shortly after I photographed it. The Houston Negro Hospital School of Nursing has since been demolished.

Image

A sign for Clark’s Cafe in Huntington, Ore., trumpeted “ALL WHITE HELP.” The building was damaged in a fire in 2019, and the wall has since been destroyed.

Image

Inside the Victoria Colored School, in Victoria, Texas.

Image

Medgar Evers’ house in Jackson, Miss., where Mr. Evers was assassinated after exiting his car in 1963.

I often wonder: Does such erasure remedy the inequalities and relieve the suffering caused by systemic racism? Or does it facilitate denial and obfuscation?

Image

Dunbar Hospital, Detroit’s first hospital for Black residents.

A technical note on the images themselves: Each picture in this series is composed of hundreds of separate overlapping photographs, which I later merge together. The technique, commonly referred to as “stitching,” allows me to produce highly detailed and immersive prints.

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The exposures are made from a single vantage point with a camera mounted on a panoramic head, atop a stationary tripod. The structural integrity of the scene is of paramount importance, since the photographs are meant to be precise documentation of erasable evidence. If you were to stand beside me and photograph the scene with your smartphone, our pictures would look similar, though mine would contain greater detail and more nuanced light.

Image

A “segregation wall,” built to separate customers of color, at the Templin Saloon in Gonzales, Texas. The wall was left standing to remind patrons of the saloon’s history.

Image

The Ellis Theatre in Cleveland, Miss. The door on the left was the segregated entrance to the “Colored” balcony. The door on the right was the entrance to the “Colored” restroom.

These photographs are less about the places themselves and more about the people who once populated them. My goal is to heighten awareness, motivate action and spark an honest conversation about the legacy of racial injustice in America.

Image

This two-level metal stairway at the Paramount Theatre in Clarksdale, Miss., offered access to the “Colored” sections of the balconies.

The photographs are also a testament to the endurance of the racial inequalities that have plagued American society, projected backward and forward in time.

The deaths this year of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and Ahmaud Arbery, among many other Black Americans, prompted a long-overdue national reckoning, spurring one of the largest movements in U.S. history.

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And these pictures prove that if you look carefully enough, you’ll find that the evidence of the structures of segregation — and the marks of white supremacy — still surrounds us, embedded in the landscape of our day-to-day lives.

Image

Bryant’s Grocery & Meat Market in Money, Miss., where, in 1955, 14-year-old Emmett Till was accused of whistling at a white woman. He was later kidnapped, tortured, lynched and dumped in the Tallahatchie River.


Richard Frishman

is a photographer based near Seattle. You can follow his work on

Instagram

.

American history homework help

1. Popular Sovereignty

2. Free Soil Party

3. Brooks-Sumner Affair of 1856

4. Battle of Fredericksburg

5. Compromise of 1877

6. Describe the antislavery movement from the earliest colonization societies up to the 1850s. Explain how different abolitionists viewed slavery, how they differed with one another, and with the Free Soil philosophy. Also explain how the antislavery movement was an example of the larger divide between the North and the South.

7. Describe the course of Reconstruction. What were the various plans offered by President Lincoln, President Johnson, and Congress? What acts and constitutional amendments were most important to the Reconstruction effort? What types of arguments arose surrounding the issue of Reconstruction? How did Reconstruction policies attempt to help the newly emancipated slaves, and were those policies successful? How did Southerners react to Reconstruction?

8. Many important events took place in 1863. What were these events and why did they combine to make 1863 the pivotal year in the American Civil War?

American history homework help

A Companion to African History, First Edition. Edited by William H. Worger,
Charles Ambler, and Nwando Achebe.
© 2019 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Published 2019 by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.

Apartheid, literally meaning apartness, and pronounced apart‐hate, was the name
for the policy and practice of white supremacy through which the National Party
ruled South Africa from 1948 until 1994.1 The origins of the policy  –  and its
implementation  –  have been highly contested, and the consequences for South
Africa since 1994 even more so, but always in separate conversations, racially and
ethnically distinct, reflecting the profound impact of institutionalized racism on
South Africa past and present.

When Hendrik Verwoerd made his first speech to the South African Senate in
1948, he linked apartheid in theory and practice to the previous policies of segre-
gation that had been enforced nationally since the formation of the Union of
South Africa in 1910:

there is nothing new in what we are propagating, nor have we made any claim that
there is anything new in it. The claim we have made is that we are propagating the
traditional policy of Afrikanerdom, the traditional policy of South Africa and of all
those who have made South Africa their home … whether it is called segregation or
by the clear Afrikaans word apartheid.2

The laws underpinning segregation that he would have had in mind would
have included the South Africa Act of 1909, which racially restricted elected
members of Parliament (House and Senate) to “British subject[s] of European
descent”; the Mines and Works Act of 1911 which restricted all skilled jobs in the

Apartheid Forgotten and Remembered

NaNcy L. cLark aNd WiLLiam H. Worger

Chapter twenty-three

Worger, W. H., Ambler, C., & Achebe, N. (Eds.). (2018). A companion to african history. ProQuest Ebook Central <a
onclick=window.open(‘http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’,’_blank’) href=’http://ebookcentral.proquest.com’ target=’_blank’ style=’cursor: pointer;’>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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432 nanCy l. Clark and william h. worger

mining industry to whites; the Natives’ Land Act of 1913, which limited ownership
of 93 percent of the land area of South Africa to whites (who made up 22 percent
of the population); the Native (Urban Areas) Act of 1923, which required
that Africans live in segregated sections of all urban areas and not be allowed to
purchase freehold property therein; the Native Administration Act of 1927, which
established administrative (rather than civil) law as primary in all areas inhabited
by Africans and made it a criminal offense punishable by heavy fine or a year in
prison for anyone (though no whites were ever prosecuted) who “utters any
words or does any other act or thing whatever with intent to promote any feeling
of hostility between Natives and Europeans”; the Immorality Act of 1927 which
made sex between whites and Africans a criminal offense (again, only Africans
were ever prosecuted); and the Representation of Natives Act of 1936, which
placed the few Africans entitled to vote on the basis of their property holdings on
a separate roll from that of all other voters.

Despite the fact that all of these laws were still in force when we first visited
South Africa in the mid‐1970s, the government claimed that apartheid was over,
a thing of the past, and that the essential divide in the country was between “first‐
world” and “third‐world” societies. What then explained the elaboration of the
segregation laws into rigidly enforced separate amenities by race, the different
entrances to post offices, the separate busses, the separate trains, or, in the case of
Cape Town, the separate carriages depending on which suburb you were traveling
to? And, above all, what explained the geographic separation of landownership,
with African possession of any land outside certain strictly circumscribed rural
areas legally prohibited, and the lack of voting rights for any person of color?
Apartheid had indeed, in Verwoerd’s own words, constructed “something new”
on the foundation of segregation.

Many of the individuals in power in the mid‐1970s – people like John Vorster,
prime minister from 1966 to 1978 and state president from 1978 to 1979, born
Balthazar Johannes in 1915 but who preferred to go by the English version of his
name, and P. W. Botha, born Pieter Willem in 1916, Vorster’s minister for defense
from 1966 to 1978, and then successively prime minister from 1978 to 1984 and
state president from 1984 to 1989 – had been instrumental in developing the leg-
islation that underpinned apartheid. Such legislation included the 1949 self‐
explanatory Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act; the 1950 Population Registration
Act, which established mechanisms for classifying all residents of South Africa as
either “Whites,” “Coloureds,” or “Natives” and allocating or removing legal rights
(to the vote, most importantly) on the basis of those classifications; the 1950
Immorality Act, which made it illegal for people from different races to have sex
with one another (not just whites and Africans as under the Immorality Act); the
1950 Group Areas Act, which retroactively defined spaces within South Africa as
belonging to one or other classified group and in practice excluded Africans, or
Natives in the then contemporary usage, of owning and being entitled to legal
permanent residence in any urban area; and the 1950 Suppression of Communism

Worger, W. H., Ambler, C., & Achebe, N. (Eds.). (2018). A companion to african history. ProQuest Ebook Central <a
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apartheid forgotten and remembered 433

Act, which banned the South African Communist Party, made being a communist
subject to criminal prosecution, and defined, among a variety of ways, being a
communist as including any person who engaged in an act

which aims at bringing about any political, industrial, social or economic change
within the Union by the promotion of disturbance or disorder, by unlawful acts or
omissions or by the threat of such acts or omissions or by means which include the
promotion of disturbance or disorder, or such acts or omissions or threat

– which could, but did not necessarily, include “the encouragement of feelings of
hostility between the European and non‐European races of the Union.”3

The practical measure used to enforce these and many other laws introduced in
the 1950s and operative throughout the 1970s and well into the 1980s was the
enforcement of the pass laws, regularized nationally in 1952 by the Native Laws
Amendment Act and the Orwellian‐titled Abolition of Passes and Co‐ordination of
Documents Act. Under these two acts, and various subsequent revisions, every day
in every part of South Africa, which we like everyone else witnessed, tens of thou-
sands of black South Africans were stopped by the police and asked to show their
passes, documents which listed their racial classification as well as their employment
history, and identified whether they had permission, based on their employment
status, for being where they were. Those without the documents, or without proof
of current employment, were arrested, sometimes whipped, often imprisoned, and
exiled back to where they were “supposed” to live until their labor was needed by
the migrant system that underpinned South Africa’s rural and urban economies,
with their endless need for a constant supply of cheap and compliant workers – ulti-
mately a pipe dream and the most fundamental contradiction for state efforts to
create permanent white supremacy. What we want to do in this chapter is to discuss
how, since 1994, apartheid has been written about in South Africa, how it has been
remembered, and how it has been forgotten, who has done the remembering, and
who has done the forgetting. Because of the continuing relevance of the historiog-
raphy of apartheid to around the early 1990s, we shall start with a survey of that
work, focus first on the forgetting, and then on the remembering, and talk about
the ways in which the separateness of apartheid, inherited from and perpetuating
colonialism, continues to divide South Africa and South Africans.

Removing the black voice

The most detailed and powerful analyses of apartheid and its introduction and
impact were written by those most affected by the new laws, just as had been the
case under the preceding policies of racial segregation enforced nationally since
the creation of the Union of South Africa in 1910. Most of this speech took place
in the public and political sphere, since South Africa’s universities were racially
segregated in the 1950s, just as they had been since their inception, and academic

Worger, W. H., Ambler, C., & Achebe, N. (Eds.). (2018). A companion to african history. ProQuest Ebook Central <a
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434 nanCy l. Clark and william h. worger

analyses were almost without exception white‐authored (the exceptions mainly
related to linguistic analyses of African languages). There was a vibrant periodical
and newspaper culture in the 1950s through which black authors could express
their views about a wide range of topics, from sport to music to detailed analyses
of the harshest impact of apartheid laws breaking up families and forcing people,
including especially children, to work under onerous conditions. Drum magazine
was particularly prominent, employing a range of talented authors such as Henry
Nxumalo, Todd Matshikiza, Can Themba, Bloke Modisane, Lewis Nkosi, and
Es’kia Mphahlele, and the photographer Peter Magubane. There were also news-
papers targeted at black audiences like the World and the Guardian (later renamed
the New Age). But the most powerful speech came in the form of the political
statements, sometimes made from the dock, by leaders of the African National
Congress (ANC) such as Nelson Mandela (especially his presidential speech for
the Transvaal Branch in 1953), Oliver Tambo, and Albert Luthuli, as well as by
the leader of the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) Robert Sobukwe and by Moses
Kotane of the South African Communist Party, banned since 1950. The PAC‐
organized Sharpeville demonstration of March 21, 1960, which was violently
repressed by the police, and the subsequent banning by the government of the
ANC and the PAC, together with censorship restrictions placed on individuals,
organizations, and print media, largely removed black voices from public dis-
course about politics in South Africa. All the individuals mentioned above were,
by the mid‐1960s, either in prison, in exile, or dead and their speeches and writ-
ings were banned in South Africa. Banned meant they could not be read or
quoted. The extension of such censorship over a wide spectrum of writing meant
that even the works of insightful critics of white racism in South Africa prior to
apartheid, like Sol Plaatje and A. T. Nzula,4 among others, could not be read by
South Africans throughout almost the entire period of apartheid.5

The absence of these individuals from what was deemed by the state to be
legitimate discourse within South Africa meant also the absence of a core argu-
ment – the role of race, specifically white supremacy, in propelling and underpin-
ning apartheid – in debates about politics and history during the apartheid era.
The ANC Youth League in its 1944 manifesto noted that “The White race … had
invested itself with authority and the right to regard South Africa as a White man’s
country” (ANC 1944). Mandela linked the struggle against apartheid in South
Africa with that against colonialism in the rest of the world when he argued in
1953 that “there is nothing inherently superior about the herrenvolk [master
race] idea of the supremacy of the whites” in South Africa, it was the same as had
been used to rule “in China, India, Indonesia, and Korea, American, British,
Dutch and French Imperialism … [now] completely and perfectly exploded”
(Mandela 1953). For Sobukwe the problem for South Africa in 1959, as it was for
all still colonized societies, was “the ruling White minority,” but he expected that
would be overcome, “by 1963, or even by 1973 or 1984,” in South Africa as in
the rest of the African continent (Sobukwe 1959: 48).

Worger, W. H., Ambler, C., & Achebe, N. (Eds.). (2018). A companion to african history. ProQuest Ebook Central <a
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apartheid forgotten and remembered 435

White conversations about black actions

Many white South Africans now, and then, claimed that they did not know of
apartheid’s worst policies and practices, or that, even if they did know a bit in
passing, they did not know of the worst excesses of the police state – the govern-
ment death squads in particular, which assassinated opponents of apartheid from
the early 1970s (and perhaps earlier) right up to the beginning of majority rule in
April 1994. Claims of not knowing ring hollow, especially because of what people
could witness on a daily basis in the streets, unless they chose not to look or to
see, and because of what they could read even in a strictly censored press, where
stories critical of the government were literally blacked out (as with a black per-
manent marker pen), or left with empty newsprint by editors showing what offi-
cial censors had required of them. But what of white scholars who were more
intent than the average citizen on analyzing the historical trajectory of twentieth‐
century South Africa?

The academic scholarship written about apartheid within South African univer-
sities reflected the views of white scholars, especially after the removal of the few
blacks with appointments in South African universities. The 1959 Extension of
University Education Act (referred to by Afrikaner scholars more accurately as the
1959 Separate Universities Act), prohibited “open universities,” such as the
University of the Witwatersrand and the University of Cape Town (universities
that had admitted some black students) from admitting students labeled “non-
white”; the latter would now be educated in separate universities set up on a racial
basis for African, Colored, and Indian students but employing primarily Afrikaner
faculty: at Ngoye in Zululand for Zulu speakers, at Durban for Indians, at Turfloop
in Northern Transvaal for Sotho and Tswana speakers, at Belleville in the Cape for
Coloreds, and at Fort Hare for Xhosa speakers.6 With the establishment of these
separate institutions, the few black scholars who had found academic employ-
ment, primarily teaching African languages and literature, were excluded. A. C.
Jordan, who had taught African languages at the University of Cape Town since
1945, left South Africa on a one‐way exit visa in the early 1960s; Robert Sobukwe,
who had lectured in African languages at the University of the Witwatersrand
from 1954 onward, was imprisoned in 1960 and spent the rest of his life in deten-
tion or under house arrest; Archie Mafeje, whose appointment to a post at the
University of Cape Town in 1968 was rescinded under pressure from the govern-
ment, spent almost his entire career in exile from South Africa.

The most prominent writer on South African historiography in the early years
of apartheid, F. A. van Jaarsveld, noted in his 1964 collection of essays, The
Afrikaner’s Interpretation of South African History, that “the advocates and apol-
ogists of ‘apartheid’ on historical grounds” were sociologists and theologians (van
Jaarsveld 1964: 151).7 He divided white historians between those who wrote in
Afrikaans (and taught in Afrikaans‐language universities: Stellenbosch, Pretoria,
Potchestroom, and the Free State) and those who wrote in English and taught in

Worger, W. H., Ambler, C., & Achebe, N. (Eds.). (2018). A companion to african history. ProQuest Ebook Central <a
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436 nanCy l. Clark and william h. worger

English‐language universities (University of Cape Town, Rhodes, Witwatersrand,
and the University of Natal, Durban and Pietermaritzburg campuses). Their his-
torical writing in terms of choice of topic and interpretation reflected their politi-
cal differences: the Afrikaners focused on the history of the Great Trek in the
1830s, when thousands of Afrikaans speakers, accompanied by their black serv-
ants, sought to escape British colonialism by moving into the interior of South
Africa, and the South African War of 1899–1902, when the British conquered the
two internal states resulting from the trek, interpreting both events from the
viewpoint of people who considered themselves persecuted on the basis of their
nationality and who in the twentieth century had built a nationalist movement
that culminated in political victory in the 1948 election and the establishment of
the apartheid state.

The English speakers by contrast, in van Jaarsveld’s analysis, adopted a tone of
blame and regret in their analyses of what had gone wrong in twentieth‐century
South African politics. The blame lay on Afrikaners and what were seen as their
nineteenth‐century frontier attitudes being extended into a twentieth‐century
modernizing economy, to the detriment of the latter. The regret lay in the failure
of British imperial authorities in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries
to rein in and control Afrikaner nationalism. Van Jaarsveld’s English contempo-
raries, he wrote, “confronted with the Afrikaner’s nationalism and racial policies
… [sought] to explain who the Afrikaner is and what one may expect of him.”
Their work was full of “disappointment at the present” and “visions of impending
catastrophe” (van Jaarsveld 1964: 146). It still is.

Looking to the future of South African historical writing, van Jaarsveld wrote
that the “main field of study will be ‘causes of the South African Revolution’”: “If
the somber predictions of internal revolution and external pressure are realized,”
“if the optimistic belief in the success of apartheid should become a happy reality
then no doubt the praises will be sung of the Afrikaner’s far‐seeing vision and
sacrifices” (van Jaarsveld 1964: 154).

Two iconic texts first published in 1969 reflected clearly the white dichotomy
identified by van Jaarsveld: Five Hundred Years: A History of South Africa, edited
by C. F. J. Muller, which recounted “the activities and experiences, over a period
of nearly five hundred years, of the White man in South Africa” (Muller 1969: ix8)
and the two‐volume Oxford History of South Africa whose “central theme of
South African history is interaction between peoples of diverse origins, languages,
technologies, and social systems, meeting on South African soil” (Wilson and
Thompson 1969: v).9 Muller described South Africa as “a white power in a black
continent,” “guided by white intellect and enterprise but for a long time …
dependent on non‐white labour,” where “the main concern now is whether less
than four million white South Africans [counting Afrikaans and English speakers
together] can maintain their supremacy against the more than 300 million black
inhabitants of Africa who are supported by many other nations” (Muller 1969:
xi). B. J. Liebenberg (1969) ascribed the success of the allied Herenigde Nasionale

Worger, W. H., Ambler, C., & Achebe, N. (Eds.). (2018). A companion to african history. ProQuest Ebook Central <a
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apartheid forgotten and remembered 437

Party (Reunited National Party) and the Afrikaner Party in 1948 to its taking
place in a context in which “racial integration would inevitably cause the White
minority to lose power,” where “the idea of apartheid or separate development …
attracted the White electorate,” and was “a victory for Afrikaner nationalism”
(Liebenberg 1969: 426). He considered the “social legislation” (Population
Registration Act, Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act, Group Areas Act, etc.)
introduced in first decade of apartheid as an extension of previous attempts “to
solve the colour question”:

Apartheid in public spaces was naturally not new because there had been separate
buses, separate railway coaches, separate benches in public parks and separate
bathing facilities and beaches for the different races long before 1948. The inno-
vation was that what had previously been custom had now become a written law.
(Liebenberg 1969: 428, 429)

More contentious, in Liebenberg’s view, were the laws to enforce “political apart-
heid” by putting Colored voters on a separate roll from whites. Steps taken to
eliminate any representation for African voters in South Africa  –  the few enfran-
chised because of their property ownership had been allowed to vote for whites to
represent them – and to lay the basis for self‐governing states in the small rural areas
set aside for them (Transkei, Ciskei, etc.) were “a positive aspect” of “apartheid as
a policy of separate development” (Liebenberg 1969: 430). Apartheid was, for
Afrikaner politicians like J. G. Strijdom, “synonymous with ‘white domination,’”
though Verwoerd, whom Liebenberg considered “more than anyone else … the
architect and driving force behind the policy of apartheid,” was also “more than
anyone else … responsible for transforming this policy of apartheid from a merely
negative policy of domination and repression (baaskap) into a positive policy of
separate development which aimed at ‘fairness to each and justice to all’” (Liebenberg
1969: 427, 428).10 Muller, like van Jaarsveld, foresaw two opposed futures for
South Africa: either going “the same way as ancient Carthage” and disappearing
“completely after seven hundred years of progress and prosperity,” or “develop[ing]
into one of Africa’s chief spreaders of Western ideas, at a time when Western powers
had declined in Africa and elsewhere” (Liebenberg 1969: 478).

Despite or perhaps because of their reference to “interaction” – a process and
noun which seemed to have no actors or action – the contributors to the Oxford
History, especially volume 2 which focused on the period 1870–1966 (Wilson
and Thompson 1971), fitted van Jaarsveld’s description of English‐language
scholarship. The author commissioned to write the chapter on the period includ-
ing apartheid, an Afrikaner and not an academic (he was a newspaper editor),
believed the political victory of Afrikaner nationalism in 1948 was due to its race
policies, that is, white supremacy, and added that apartheid “had its positive side
as well, and it was the achievement of Dr. Verwoerd … that he gave to the theory
a philosophic basis and content,” most clearly reflected, it seems, in his vision of

Worger, W. H., Ambler, C., & Achebe, N. (Eds.). (2018). A companion to african history. ProQuest Ebook Central <a
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438 nanCy l. Clark and william h. worger

“the ultimate emergence of some sort of commonwealth of states in South Africa”
(de Villiers 1971: 402, 414).11

The one variant on van Jaarsveld’s account of English speakers’ interpretations
was the essay by the sociologist Leo Kuper who argued that “the implementation
of apartheid which dominated political action and race relations after 1948 was in
the nature of a counter‐revolution by whites.” Still not a revolution by Africans as
the actors, but rather “to the increasing mobilization of force against opposition …
The counter‐revolution was directed to the control of social change, in the
interests of white domination, by monopoly of the constitutional means of
change” (Kuper 1971: 459). In other words, Kuper alluded in a somewhat opaque
manner to growing African resistance to the strictures of both segregation and
apartheid. Apartheid censorship, however, prevented all South Africans, white
and black, from reading Kuper’s analysis of the actions of black critics of apartheid.
Oxford University Press, ultimately supported by the editors of the Oxford History,
though opposed by Kuper himself, removed his chapter from the South African
edition on the basis that

Legal opinion on the chapter by Leo Kuper … was to the effect that it infringed
South African law in many respects, mainly by references to books and articles deal-
ing with African Nationalism, policy statements of the African National Congress,
and statements by African leaders. (Wilson and Thompson 1971: v)

Under these accepted “rules” of apartheid, or acquiescence, Africans could not be
written about for a South African readership, or write about themselves because,
as the Oxford History editors noted about themselves and their contributors:

We live, or have lived, in a caste society, and we are all white. This last imbalance
occurs because in South Africa today few Africans, or Asians, or Coloured people
have the opportunity for unfettered research and writing; and those who have the
training and opportunity are for the most part occupied with other commitments …
Analysis … by African and Coloured historians, economists, and anthropologists …
are long overdue. (Wilson and Thompson 1969: vi, xiii)

The historiography of apartheid began to change in the 1970s and 1980s,
through the influence of interpretive approaches that stressed the role of economics
in general and capitalism in particular in determining the way in which white
supremacy developed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In these analyses
race was not absent, indeed practically all the texts focused primarily on black
actors, but the emphasis was on showing how policies that had a core racial com-
ponent – conquest, segregation, and apartheid – served the needs of big business
in mining and farming, especially for cheap labor. Three key texts written in the
1970s marked out distinct approaches for the next two decades. Rick Johnstone’s
Class, Race and Gold (1976), which analyzed the development of the gold indus-
try in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, especially in terms of its

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apartheid forgotten and remembered 439

dependence on cheap black labor to produce enormous profits; Colin Bundy’s
The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (1979), which examined the ways
in which initiatives taken by African farmers in the late 1800s were defeated by
white industrialists and farmers intent on turning them into migrant laborers; and
Charles van Onselen’s two‐volume set of essays, Studies in the Social and Economic
History of Witwatersrand, 1886–1914 (1982), which focused on the social history
of urban areas. These works were the tip of the iceberg, with an enormous num-
ber of studies being published in the 1980s, many of them elaborations of work
which first saw print in a series of key collections coedited by Shula Marks:
Economy  and Society in Pre‐industrial South Africa (Marks and Atmore 1980),
Industrialisation and Social Change in South Africa: African Class Formation,
Culture, and Consciousness, 1870–1930 (Marks and Rathbone 1982), and The
Politics of Race, Class, and Nationalism in Twentieth‐Century South Africa (Marks
and Trapido 1987).

Several relatively commonplace arguments (but new for South African histori-
ography) constituted the core of the revisionist approach. First, mining, manu-
facturing, and farming were capitalist enterprises whose owners sought to
maximize their profits. Second, central to the maximization of profits in all sec-
tors of the economy, but especially in mining and farming, was the need for
cheap labor. Third, in workplace struggles race was used intentionally by employ-
ers to divide workers and to create hierarchical systems of production in which
whites were guaranteed privileged access to ownership and to supervisory and
skilled positions. Fourth, in order to secure a constant supply of cheap labor over
and above minimum needs so that in cases of worker strikes extra supplies would
always be available, Great Britain engaged in a massive process of colonial con-
quest in the late nineteenth

American history homework help

“““`1Latin American History

Term Paper


The purpose of this paper is to familiarize students with a contemporary issue facing Latin America. Choose a topic that is a current issue or recent problem (last 10-15 years) facing Latin America or Latinos in the United States. I have provided a sample list of possible topics below or create your own. Topics should be approved by the instructor. It is important to have a fairly narrow, well-focused topic that can be covered in 6-8 pages. Don’t try to cover to broad of a topic or focus on multiple countries. That will make your paper unmanageable.

You will need at least six different sources for this paper. You will find that newspaper and magazine articles, as well as the Internet, are for more valuable resources than books for this assignment, although the use of books is encouraged. You must find your information from at least three different types of sources. It is not enough to just get six articles from the Chicago Tribune, for example. Choose your subject wisely. When you have finished reading about your subject, write a paper containing the elements discussed below. The paper should be at least six double-spaced, typed pages using 12 point font and margins of 1 inch all the way around. Don’t forget to include an annotated bibliography of the sources used and a cover page (the bibliography and cover page do not count as part of the six-page minimum). You can use whatever academic style that you are most familiar with – MLA, APA, Chicago-style. If you have any questions concerning style, citations, or punctuation, consider looking for help at Harper’s Writing Center (
https://www.harpercollege.edu/academic-support/writing/index.php
) or you can consult one of the style guides at the library. Remember the Harper Writing Center is available to proofread your papers for you. Any plagiarism will result in a failing grade and an academic dishonesty report on filed with the vice president’s office.

Topic is Women’s rights – workplace rights, domestic violence, political rights, etc. in brazil.

1) Write an introductory paragraph that establishes your topic. Be sure to give the time frame and place that you are discussing. Give a general overview of the purpose of your essay and the main parts of your paper. Briefly mention why you chose this topic and why you think that it is important.

2) Summarize the issue you are researching. The summary should be carefully organized with the major points in chronological order or in order of intensifying effect (the most important factor mentioned last). All relevant terms and names should be fully explained and analyzed. Be sure to provide appropriate citations to your sources.

The body of the paper should explain the issue that you have researched, give a brief history of the topic, and look at possible future consequences/solutions to the problem. Can you relate your topic to any of the themes discussed in class?

3) What role has the United States played in this matter? Is the United States part of the solution or part of the problem? Can the United States do more? Does this topic have a significant impact on the United States?

4) If you were in charge, what would you do about this topic? What position would you have to be in to make significant changes? What new problems might these changes cause? Why hasn’t this approach been tried before?

5) What do you predict will happen regarding this issue in the next 5 years? Will things be better or worse? Why do you believe the way that you do?

6) Write a concluding paragraph that summarizes the main points in your paper in 2-3 sentences. Conclude with your opinion of the significance of the topic and its impact.

7) An annotated bibliography includes 2-3 sentences about each of the sources under the bibliographical information. Include a 1-sentence summary of the source’s content. You could also mention if the source has a particular bias or perspective, what you learned from the source, or why it is a particularly useful source for your paper. Be specific. For help with annotated bibliographies, go to:


https://owl.purdue.edu/owl/general_writing/common_writing_assignments/annotated_bibliographies/index.html

Topic is Women’s rights – workplace rights, domestic violence, political rights, etc in brazil

Good Sources for Information to Get Started

– REMEMBER – Encyclopedias and Textbooks are NOT college-level sources. This includes on-line encyclopedias!

NewsBank (Harper Library Database for newspaper articles)

FirstSearch (Harper Library Database for magazine articles (Use “topic area” =

News & current events and when asked for “search in” use PerAbs)

CNN.com

http://www.bbc.co.uk (BBC on-line)

www.oas.org (Organization of American States)

lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/cshome.html (Library of Congress Country Studies)

www.state.gov (U.S. Department of State)

*****Check the Research Guides section of the Harper Library web site for additional sources. Look under “History” and then “Latin American History”.*****

Some Writing Tips to Improve Your Grade

In your research paper it is expected that you will use a formal, academic style of writing. In order to help you do this, I have included the following suggestions for your paper. Proofread carefully or get help from the Harper Writing Center. Grammar, style and punctuation are part of the final grade.

1) Do not use contractions in formal writing. (Words like don’t, won’t didn’t, etc.)

2) Do not use abbreviations.

3) Unless you personally know the person about whom you are writing, do not refer to them simply by their first name. The first time you write the name, give the first and last name. Thereafter, you can use either the last name or the person’s title.

4)
*****Use appropriate citations.
You can use footnotes, endnotes, or parenthetical references, whichever you are most comfortable using. You do not have to cite every fact in your paper. However, all quotations and statistics should be cited. Other facts that are questionable, debatable or controversial should also be cited. You should also cite any time you report someone else’s opinion.****

5) Use the correct form of “its.” “Its” is a possessive pronoun, for example, “the dog ate its bone.” “It’s” is a contraction meaning it is. For example, “It’s a beautiful day.” Also, use the correct form of “there” and “their”. “There” refers to a place, as in “He is over there.” “Their” is a plural possessive pronoun, as in “They waited for their ride.”

6) Know when to use “U.S.” instead of “United States.” “United States” is a noun and “U.S.” is an adjective. For example, “The government of the United States” or “the U.S. government.” Both are correct. You would not write “the government of the U.S.” or “the United States government.”

7) Avoid using the word “got.”

8) Do not use slang terms.

9) Do not use second person perspective (forms of the word “You”). It is okay to use first person perspective, provided that you maintain a formal tone.

10) Be careful to avoid plagiarizing your sources. Make sure that you know the difference between paraphrasing and plagiarism. Any plagiarism will result in a minimum of a failing grade for the assignment. Put your paper in your own words.

American history homework help

 In a well-constructed essay of 1,500 words, analyze and evaluate the contributions of the Harlem Renaissance to United States cultural history, as discussed in Harlem Renaissance, by Nathan Irvin Huggins. In the course of your analysis, discuss the extent to which the Harlem Renaissance was both a time of progress and also a time that evoked the trials of racism in United States history: be sure to reach an evaluative conclusion on this point. 

The citation must be thorough, and be completed using the Chicago Manual of Style method. (See link below). Remember, all direct quotations from a source must be properly cited. Similarly, your discussion of ideas from a source must be properly cited. You must use a minimum of three sources in your essay, including Harlem Renaissance 

 Write in the third person, only. Do not write in the first person: for example, the words “I believe” should not appear in your paper. Writing in the third person implies personal belief, but is more professional, concise, and attuned to the norms of historical writing. The length of this assignment is 1,500 words double-spaced, with a professional, legible font. 

American history homework help

1. Popular Sovereignty

2. Free Soil Party

3. Brooks-Sumner Affair of 1856

4. Battle of Fredericksburg

5. Compromise of 1877

6. Describe the antislavery movement from the earliest colonization societies up to the 1850s. Explain how different abolitionists viewed slavery, how they differed with one another, and with the Free Soil philosophy. Also explain how the antislavery movement was an example of the larger divide between the North and the South.

7. Describe the course of Reconstruction. What were the various plans offered by President Lincoln, President Johnson, and Congress? What acts and constitutional amendments were most important to the Reconstruction effort? What types of arguments arose surrounding the issue of Reconstruction? How did Reconstruction policies attempt to help the newly emancipated slaves, and were those policies successful? How did Southerners react to Reconstruction?

8. Many important events took place in 1863. What were these events and why did they combine to make 1863 the pivotal year in the American Civil War?

American history homework help

“““`1Latin American History

Term Paper


The purpose of this paper is to familiarize students with a contemporary issue facing Latin America. Choose a topic that is a current issue or recent problem (last 10-15 years) facing Latin America or Latinos in the United States. I have provided a sample list of possible topics below or create your own. Topics should be approved by the instructor. It is important to have a fairly narrow, well-focused topic that can be covered in 6-8 pages. Don’t try to cover to broad of a topic or focus on multiple countries. That will make your paper unmanageable.

You will need at least six different sources for this paper. You will find that newspaper and magazine articles, as well as the Internet, are for more valuable resources than books for this assignment, although the use of books is encouraged. You must find your information from at least three different types of sources. It is not enough to just get six articles from the Chicago Tribune, for example. Choose your subject wisely. When you have finished reading about your subject, write a paper containing the elements discussed below. The paper should be at least six double-spaced, typed pages using 12 point font and margins of 1 inch all the way around. Don’t forget to include an annotated bibliography of the sources used and a cover page (the bibliography and cover page do not count as part of the six-page minimum). You can use whatever academic style that you are most familiar with – MLA, APA, Chicago-style. If you have any questions concerning style, citations, or punctuation, consider looking for help at Harper’s Writing Center (
https://www.harpercollege.edu/academic-support/writing/index.php
) or you can consult one of the style guides at the library. Remember the Harper Writing Center is available to proofread your papers for you. Any plagiarism will result in a failing grade and an academic dishonesty report on filed with the vice president’s office.

Topic is Women’s rights – workplace rights, domestic violence, political rights, etc. in brazil.

1) Write an introductory paragraph that establishes your topic. Be sure to give the time frame and place that you are discussing. Give a general overview of the purpose of your essay and the main parts of your paper. Briefly mention why you chose this topic and why you think that it is important.

2) Summarize the issue you are researching. The summary should be carefully organized with the major points in chronological order or in order of intensifying effect (the most important factor mentioned last). All relevant terms and names should be fully explained and analyzed. Be sure to provide appropriate citations to your sources.

The body of the paper should explain the issue that you have researched, give a brief history of the topic, and look at possible future consequences/solutions to the problem. Can you relate your topic to any of the themes discussed in class?

3) What role has the United States played in this matter? Is the United States part of the solution or part of the problem? Can the United States do more? Does this topic have a significant impact on the United States?

4) If you were in charge, what would you do about this topic? What position would you have to be in to make significant changes? What new problems might these changes cause? Why hasn’t this approach been tried before?

5) What do you predict will happen regarding this issue in the next 5 years? Will things be better or worse? Why do you believe the way that you do?

6) Write a concluding paragraph that summarizes the main points in your paper in 2-3 sentences. Conclude with your opinion of the significance of the topic and its impact.

7) An annotated bibliography includes 2-3 sentences about each of the sources under the bibliographical information. Include a 1-sentence summary of the source’s content. You could also mention if the source has a particular bias or perspective, what you learned from the source, or why it is a particularly useful source for your paper. Be specific. For help with annotated bibliographies, go to:


https://owl.purdue.edu/owl/general_writing/common_writing_assignments/annotated_bibliographies/index.html

Topic is Women’s rights – workplace rights, domestic violence, political rights, etc in brazil

Good Sources for Information to Get Started

– REMEMBER – Encyclopedias and Textbooks are NOT college-level sources. This includes on-line encyclopedias!

NewsBank (Harper Library Database for newspaper articles)

FirstSearch (Harper Library Database for magazine articles (Use “topic area” =

News & current events and when asked for “search in” use PerAbs)

CNN.com

http://www.bbc.co.uk (BBC on-line)

www.oas.org (Organization of American States)

lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/cshome.html (Library of Congress Country Studies)

www.state.gov (U.S. Department of State)

*****Check the Research Guides section of the Harper Library web site for additional sources. Look under “History” and then “Latin American History”.*****

Some Writing Tips to Improve Your Grade

In your research paper it is expected that you will use a formal, academic style of writing. In order to help you do this, I have included the following suggestions for your paper. Proofread carefully or get help from the Harper Writing Center. Grammar, style and punctuation are part of the final grade.

1) Do not use contractions in formal writing. (Words like don’t, won’t didn’t, etc.)

2) Do not use abbreviations.

3) Unless you personally know the person about whom you are writing, do not refer to them simply by their first name. The first time you write the name, give the first and last name. Thereafter, you can use either the last name or the person’s title.

4)
*****Use appropriate citations.
You can use footnotes, endnotes, or parenthetical references, whichever you are most comfortable using. You do not have to cite every fact in your paper. However, all quotations and statistics should be cited. Other facts that are questionable, debatable or controversial should also be cited. You should also cite any time you report someone else’s opinion.****

5) Use the correct form of “its.” “Its” is a possessive pronoun, for example, “the dog ate its bone.” “It’s” is a contraction meaning it is. For example, “It’s a beautiful day.” Also, use the correct form of “there” and “their”. “There” refers to a place, as in “He is over there.” “Their” is a plural possessive pronoun, as in “They waited for their ride.”

6) Know when to use “U.S.” instead of “United States.” “United States” is a noun and “U.S.” is an adjective. For example, “The government of the United States” or “the U.S. government.” Both are correct. You would not write “the government of the U.S.” or “the United States government.”

7) Avoid using the word “got.”

8) Do not use slang terms.

9) Do not use second person perspective (forms of the word “You”). It is okay to use first person perspective, provided that you maintain a formal tone.

10) Be careful to avoid plagiarizing your sources. Make sure that you know the difference between paraphrasing and plagiarism. Any plagiarism will result in a minimum of a failing grade for the assignment. Put your paper in your own words.

American history homework help

 In a well-constructed essay of 1,500 words, analyze and evaluate the contributions of the Harlem Renaissance to United States cultural history, as discussed in Harlem Renaissance, by Nathan Irvin Huggins. In the course of your analysis, discuss the extent to which the Harlem Renaissance was both a time of progress and also a time that evoked the trials of racism in United States history: be sure to reach an evaluative conclusion on this point. 

The citation must be thorough, and be completed using the Chicago Manual of Style method. (See link below). Remember, all direct quotations from a source must be properly cited. Similarly, your discussion of ideas from a source must be properly cited. You must use a minimum of three sources in your essay, including Harlem Renaissance 

 Write in the third person, only. Do not write in the first person: for example, the words “I believe” should not appear in your paper. Writing in the third person implies personal belief, but is more professional, concise, and attuned to the norms of historical writing. The length of this assignment is 1,500 words double-spaced, with a professional, legible font. 

American history homework help

1.
PowerPoint assignment (100 points per assignment = 100 points)

1. You will create 20-30 page slide presentation

2. You must use POWERPOINT on MS OFFICE. If I cannot download your file because you decided to use another platform (other than PP) and I cannot download the file, the responsibility is the students. NO EXCEPTIONS.

· The role of cotton in the American economy in the 19th


.

1. I will grade on length, grammar, presentation, pictures and videos. Please consult the rubric within the powerpoint module.

2. You must submit assignment as a Microsoft Powerpoint doc.

3. I DO NOT ACCEPT LATE WORK UNDER ANY CONDITIONS.

American history homework help

Mexican Repatriation in the 1930s


NPR “America’s Forgotten History of Mexican-American Repatriation”

[Minute 0:00 – 11:40]

TERRY GROSS, HOST: This is FRESH AIR. I’m Terry Gross. Donald Trump has proposed immigration reform that would include building a wall on the Mexican border, paid for by Mexico, and calls for the mass deportation of immigrants who are in the U.S. illegally. The deportation plan has echoes of a largely forgotten chapter of American history when, in the 1930s, during the Depression, about a million people were forced out of the U.S. across the border into Mexico. It wasn’t called deportation. It was euphemistically referred to as repatriation, returning people to their native country. But about 60 percent of the people in the Mexican repatriation drive were actually U.S. citizens of Mexican descent. Perhaps the most widely cited book on the subject was co-written by my guest, Francisco Balderrama. The book is called “Decade Of Betrayal: Mexican Repatriation In The 1930s.” His late co-author, Raymond Rodriguez, had family that was forced out of the U.S. Balderrama is a professor of American history and Chicano studies at California State University, Los Angeles. Francisco Balderrama, welcome to FRESH AIR. Would you give us an overview of the scope of the mass deportations or the repatriation of the 1930s? Like, how many people were affected? And of those people, how many of them were actually American citizens?

FRANCISCO BALDERRAMA: Well, conservatively, we’re talking about over 1 million Mexican nationals and American citizens of Mexican descent from throughout the United States, from the American Southwest to the Midwest to the Pacific Northwest to the South, even Alaska included. This occurred on a number of different levels through a formal deportation campaign at the federal government, then also efforts by major industries as well as efforts on the local and state level. Conservatively, we are able to estimate that 60 percent of them were U.S. citizens of Mexican descent.

GROSS: So what was behind these deportations? Was it the Depression?

BALDERRAMA: Well, the Depression set the scenario for what happened. I think one needs to keep in mind that in the American public at that time, Mexicans were targeted as a scapegoat partly because they are the most recent immigrant group to come to the United States in the early 20th century.

GROSS: So what did the order for deportation actually say?

BALDERRAMA: Well, the deportation, key to keep in mind…

GROSS: This was a federal law, or there were local laws and federal laws?

BALDERRAMA: There was not a federal deportation act, even though in some of the literature, it makes reference to that. That did not occur. What one has to be sensitive to understand this history, is that it occurred in different forms. During the Hoover administration in the late 1920s and early 1930s, particularly the winter of 1930-1931, William Dill (ph), the attorney general who had presidential ambitions, instituted a program of deportations. And it was announced that we need to provide jobs for Americans, and so we need to get rid of these other people. This created an anxiety, a tension in the Mexican community. And at the same time, U.S. Steel, Ford Motor Company, Southern Pacific Railroad said to their Mexican workers, you would be better off in Mexico with your own people. At the same time that that’s occurring, differing counties on the county level and, in some cases the state level, then decide to cut relief cost – their target at Mexican families.

GROSS: Relief is welfare. That’s what welfare was called.

BALDERRAMA: Yes, yes, at that time it’s called – or charities at that time as well. Now, there was the development of a deportation desk from LA County relief agencies going out and recruiting Mexicans to go to Mexico. And they called it the deportation desk. Now, LA legal counsel says you can’t do that. That’s the responsibility, that’s the duty of the federal government. So they backed up and said, well, we’re not going to call it deportation. We’re going to call it repatriation. And repatriation carries connotations that it’s voluntary, that people are making their own decision without pressure to return to the country of their nationality. But most obviously, how voluntary is it if you have deportation raids by the federal government during the Hoover administration and people are disappearing on the streets? How voluntary is it if you have county agents knocking on people’s doors telling people oh, you would be better off in Mexico, and here are your train tickets? You should be ready to go in two weeks. So…

GROSS: Is that what happened?

BALDERRAMA: That’s what happened.

GROSS: So what were some of the ways that Mexicans in the U.S. were pressured to leave?

BALDERRAMA: Well, they were pressured by county agents, sometimes from relief agencies knocking on their door and telling Mr. and Mrs. Gonzales that you would be better off in Mexico where you can be with your own people and speak your own language. We have arranged for train tickets. You can take so many boxes or suitcases with you. Would you please show up at the train station in two weeks? And sometimes it extended beyond those that were on relief. Sometimes, families that did have individuals that were working maybe limited time, which was very common during the Great Depression, but scaring them and telling them well, I don’t know how long you’re going to keep that job. Maybe you better just go to Mexico because you’re liable to lose that particular job. And I think another factor is just waking up and looking at the newspaper, seeing that there’s raids. Here in Los Angeles, we had the very famous Placita raid, in which a part of Downtown Los Angeles is cornered off, and there are banner headlines saying, deportation of Mexicans – not distinguishing between those with papers and not distinguishing those that are American citizens but always just referring to Mexicans and deportation of Mexicans and not making any of those distinctions. Those are the pressures that this population lived with.

GROSS: You mention a part of Los Angeles that was cordoned off. Would you explain?

BALDERRAMA: Downtown Los Angeles around the area of the LA Plaza next to Olvera Street right across from, today, Union Station, near Our Lady Queen of the Angels Church. That particular area was cornered off February 26, 1931 – very different approach of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, who had not planned to do that until the unemployment coordinating committee in LA County announced that raids were going to happen in Los Angeles and then after the fact, informed Washington D.C. about that. And then they followed suit and had raids in Pacoima and San Fernando Valley. But the one here in Los Angeles received a great deal of publicity because it was cornering off a popular area of the city and even rounded up a Mexican vice-consul and had him in custody as well. Now, the raid itself didn’t net that many people that were deported. But more significantly is those are the banner headlines – that here in Los Angeles, the historic founding of Los Angeles, this great Mexican city, this is what happened. And with that, then we have days and weeks that many Mexicans are not visible publicly because they’re afraid of these raids that are occurring.

GROSS: So the programs officially targeted Mexicans who did not have citizenship in the U.S. and didn’t have working papers, but citizens ended up…

BALDERRAMA: On the federal level.

GROSS: On the federal level.

BALDERRAMA: On the federal level. But in terms of the American society, it was really – the question or issue of documentation or papers really isn’t being raised that much. It’s really that the Mexicans should go back. And many groups thought that they were doing really a very humane thing. And it was explained in terms of, well, they’d be better off with their own people where they can speak their own language. But it did take different forms. I’m thinking of the case of Ignacio Pena (ph). And Ignacio lived in the area of Idaho. And his family was about to sit down to have breakfast. And the sheriffs came to the house. They took everybody in custody, and they were told that they could only leave with the clothes that were on their back. They could not bring any of their personal belongings, and they were placed in a jail. His father was working out in the fields, and he was also placed in a jail. They stayed in that jail – he with his mother and his brothers and sisters in one cell and his father in a separate part of the jail. They were placed on trains after a week, and then they were shipped to Mexico. They never were able to recover their personal belongings, even though they were told that those belongings were – would be shipped to them. And among those belongings was documentation of his father having worked in the United States for over 25 years. Among those belongings was his and his sisters’ and his brothers’ birth certificates, having been born in the United States.

GROSS: So these raids that you referred to, did authorities raid farms where there were migrant workers? Did they raid other places where they thought Mexicans might be working?

BALDERRAMA: Some of these raids did occur. But as we go further into the 1930s, really it’s businesses operating in terms of trying to cut their workforce or shipping workers, with their own resources, to the border. And it’s also local county agencies and individual states that are also doing it. A particular factor to keep in mind is that this operation of businesses doing this and local county governments doing this are much acting like a sovereign power because the right and the responsibility of doing this rests with the Border Patrol and the Immigration and Naturalization Service. And – but the federal government, whether it be the Hoover administration or whether it be Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Dealers, they’re not concerned about that. They let these local agencies, they let businesses go ahead and do this.

GROSS: If you’re just joining us, my guest is Francisco Balderrama. He’s the co-author of the book “Decade Of Betrayal: Mexican Repatriation In The 1930s.” This is about a period of history very few people remember or know anything about. So let’s take a short break, and then we’ll talk more about the deportations of the 1930s. This is FRESH AIR.

GROSS: You know Donald Trump has called for the deportation of Mexicans who are here illegally, so we’re looking back at the period of the 1930s, when there was a mass deportation program in the United States. My guest, Francisco Balderrama, co-authored the book that is often referred to when people talk about this period. It was first published in 1996?

BALDERRAMA: Yes

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.

GROSS: And it’s called “Decade Of Betrayal: Mexican Repatriation In The 1930s.” So, you know, we’re talking about the mass deportation of the 1930s. How were Mexicans who are either forced to or convinced to leave the U.S. sent out?

BALDERRAMA: It took various forms, but the most common way was by trains. So we had the organizing of trains from across the country to ship Mexicans. There were also uses of buses. And many people just put their belongings in their cars, if they had an automobile, or maybe got a truck. And groups of families got together. And whether it be from Detroit or whether from Chicago or from Los Angeles, they began the ride to the border. Some counties were so thorough in their attempts that they not just recruited individuals that were on relief, but rather any of them that were receiving any type of assistance in terms of medical care. In Los Angeles County, there is rich documentation talking about individuals that are taken from the county hospital, taken from tuberculosis sanitariums, loaded on trucks and driven to the border. So they were very thorough in these attempts.

GROSS: So, you know, a lot of people were passing off this deportation program as something positive, for the Mexicans to return home to their culture and their language. But, I mean, were they just, like, dropped on the other side of the border? Were they taken to the place that their families had come from? Were they – did they have any choice in where they went or were they just, like, dropped off someplace?

BALDERRAMA: Well, it changed over time. Many of the industries and then also many of the counties initially just paid paper transportation to the border. And so frequently, when they arrived at the border, they had to deal with the Mexican bureaucracy. They had to deal with Mexican customs. Many of them were subjected to bribes. Many were subjected to, you know – the prices went up when the repatriation trains would arrive. As time went on, some of the counties would pay for transportation from the border into the interior. Many of them returned to the provinces, to the small towns, to the communities that they came from – from their ancestral home, they went back. And even though that – it is an ancestral home, the Mexican nationals were returning to places they hadn’t seen for 20, 25 years or so. It was a different Mexico. The Mexican government also made promises about support and aid and colonization projects etc., etc. They were grand promises. They were great promises, but there wasn’t the support. There wasn’t the resources of a Mexico that had just experienced the revolution to help these people adjust. One other factor which I would like to mention is the majority of the population – over 60 percent – being U.S. citizens of Mexican descent. For them, they were coming to a foreign country.

GROSS: Since part of the way this program of deportation was sold was that, like, good deal – Mexicans are going to be returning to their homeland… But a lot of the people who were sent – the way that you describe it – the majority of people who were sent to Mexico were American citizens. And maybe, you know, some of those people became citizens, you know – after leaving Mexico. Many of them were born here, and this was their only country. So what kind of adaptation was it like for them?

BALDERRAMA: Well, it was very, very difficult because – obviously as we’ve already talked about – is that the population is regarded as this Mexican population. And these children, being in American schools, were told that – don’t speak Spanish – sometimes even experienced physical punishment. And now they find themselves in Mexico, and they are regarded as bochos (ph). They are regarded as less than Mexican. Many of them cannot – aren’t fluent in Spanish. They’re having their education disrupted. They are trying to adjust in their childhood, and later on in their adolescence, to a foreign culture, to a different educational system, to a different society. So it was very, very difficult for them.

GROSS: So when are circumstances reversed so that instead of Mexicans being deported out of the United States, Mexicans start returning to the United States?

BALDERRAMA: Well, I’d like to focus on LA County here. Here the Board of Supervisors were very, very supportive of repatriation, and as we entered the 1940s, there was a big proposal because they found that it was harder and harder to fill the trains and that some people are coming back. And so they have a proposal, they – at this moment, they are providing transportation not just to the border but into the interior. They now want to provide settlement checks for a couple of months for Mexicans in Mexico. They want to help them establish themselves so they don’t come back. And one of the LA County Board of Supervisors, John Anson Ford, who is a liberal on this conservative board, a Democrat new dealer, has the task – he supported this – to go Mexico and to inform the Mexican government about what LA County is doing. Once again, LA County acting like a sovereign state – LA County negotiating directly and telling the embassy and then telling the State Department about what it’s doing. And so he’s on the train, and Pearl Harbor is bombed. He immediately returns, doesn’t go to Mexico City, comes back to LA. And the proposal dies because now the need is for Mexican workers.

GROSS: I didn’t learn about the mass deportations of the 1930s until I was led to it by reading about Donald Trump’s plan to deport Mexicans who are not here legally. How come – I don’t know if you can really answer this. I’m sure you cannot. But how come I didn’t know about it, and how come so many people I know didn’t know about it either? How come this wasn’t in the history books I read in school?

BALDERRAMA: Well, for some 40 years or so in Chicano studies history classes, it’s been taught. But nobody knew the impact that it had in terms of the United States as well as in Mexico. When we did “Decade Of Betrayal” – first came out in the 1990s – it was talked about as a book of revelation. And in 2003, California Sen. Joe Dunn read the book, and he shared your same sentiments. He had never heard about it. He was disgusted to learn about it. He wanted to give it attention. And we had hearings in Sacramento. In short, what occurred is the state of California has issued an apology. The LA Plaza Museum has an historical monument memorializing what happened to American citizens of Mexican descent. And AB-146, sponsored by Cristina Garcia of the State Assembly, has just been passed and is now at the governor’s desk to teach about the deportations.

GROSS: My guest is Francisco Balderrama, co-author of the “Decade Of Betrayal: Mexican Repatriation in the 1930s.” After we take a short break, he’ll talk about how repatriation broke up many families, including his co-author’s family. And we have reviews of Carly Rae Jepsen’s new album and Elena Ferrante’s latest novel. I’m Terry Gross, and this is FRESH AIR.

(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)

GROSS: This is FRESH AIR. I’m Terry Gross back with Francisco Balderrama. We’re talking about the Mexican repatriation of the 1930s during the Depression, when Mexican nationals and U.S. citizens of Mexican descent were coerced by authorities to leave their homes in the U.S. and relocate across the border in Mexico. It was referred to as repatriation to give it the image of a voluntary program. Balderrama is the author of a book on the subject that was originally published in 1996 and has recently been cited in articles about Donald Trump’s immigration plan, which includes the deportation of Mexicans who are here illegally. Balderrama’s book is called “Decade Of Betrayal.”

How did you first find out about the deportations of the 1930s? Did you grow up knowing about that? Did your family tell you about that?

BALDERRAMA: My family has lived in Los Angeles for almost 100 years now. And so we had some understanding of some great uncles that went to Mexico and got caught up in that. I think for some families there was an awareness of it. There was an awareness of the terrible thing that had happened. I think, because it took so many different forms by the federal government, by businesses, by local agencies throughout the country, that I think the collective understanding of the community was, well, maybe something happened here and didn’t happen over there. I also think working-class people concerned with survival, feeding themselves, clothing themselves, didn’t have the luxury of trying to figure it out. I’m very gratified that “Decade Of Betrayal” and I’m very gratified that hearings in Sacramento, and Apology Act and memorial – all of these efforts have had an impact, not just to the survivors of unconstitutional deportation, but to their families, to help figure out that this was part of a bigger effort and program.

GROSS: So are you saying that a lot of people who knew about the deportations ’cause family members have been deported didn’t know about the larger program? They didn’t know how this fit in. They just knew that this had happened to someone they knew.

BALDERRAMA: Yes, I think that that’s true. And I think in some Mexican families it was reiterated. It was retold in oral history that people would share. It would also lead to thinking about, well, one has to be careful in this society. You know, you never know what could happen to one. I think, also for some families, particularly that we interviewed in the Midwest, they locked this away. They didn’t want to talk about it. And not until the book was published, “Decade Of Betrayal,” not until the hearings occurred, not until other efforts to learn about this and formation of some community organizations, was this bought out. And people were able to figure it out. For some Mexican families they shared, well, maybe we better Anglicize our names. Maybe we shouldn’t live in the Mexican community – maybe because if it happens again, they’re going to come after us.

GROSS: The co-author of “Decade Of Betrayal,” the late Raymond Rodriguez, I believe he had family that was deported in the 1930s, yes?

BALDERRAMA: Yes, I think Ray would want me to share this with you. I worked with Ray for decades and decades, met him in the archive in Mexico City. We were friends already for 20 years before we began working on “Decade Of Betrayal.” It was a very close, personal friendship as well as working relationship. And when we had the first edition of the book all ready to go to the press – everything was all done – he shared with me that his father was a repatriate, that his father had gone to Mexico, something that, in 20 years of working together and friendship, I did not know. So his work on “Decade” was – the first edition and the revised edition – was a searching for his father. And in so many ways, individuals that we interviewed, individuals that we’d come across time and time again, where this has touched them, this is what they’re searching for. They’re searching for their families. They’re searching for this history. They’re searching for an understanding of the past to deal with the present.

GROSS: How could he not have told you? You were working on this book together.

BALDERRAMA: Well, Ray was an individual and in some ways was private. We had a close relationship. I knew that his father had – wasn’t around. I knew that he was raised by his mother, but I didn’t know the exact details of that. But I think at that historical moment of completing the book, he wanted to share that with me. That doesn’t come out in the books – in the revised edition, as well. It wasn’t until he publicly made this known at the hearings in Sacramento in 2003 – that’s the first time, publicly, that he alluded to it. In other words…

GROSS: So…

BALDERRAMA: The wounds were very deep.

GROSS: So was his family an example of a family that was split up by deportation?

BALDERRAMA: Yes, most definitely.

GROSS: Tell us more.

BALDERRAMA: Well, I – it’s a case that in, many of these families, is that one of the spouses was – wanted to, you know, go to Mexico and saw that as a future and saw that as maybe a lack of respect here in this country, that people were speaking ill of Mexicans, so their pride was hurt. They wanted a new future while the other spouse says, no, we belong here; our children are born here, and refusing to go.

GROSS: So was Raymond Rodriguez ever in touch with his father after his father went to Mexico?

BALDERRAMA: I’m unaware. I don’t think so.

GROSS: Before you wrote your book, did you ever study the 1930s deportations in history?

BALDERRAMA: Well, I had worked on the Great Depression as a graduate student at UCLA. My doctoral dissertation looked at the Mexican Consulate Service in Los Angeles. I had written about consuls, Mexican consuls, immigration, so I had that, you know, background. I’ll share this with you. The professional is also personal. When I was working on a dissertation on the 1930s, I discovered that there was some oral history interviews at Cal State, Fullerton. So I found a researcher named Christine Valenciana and talked to her about her interviews. Well, that led to much more. She’s my…

GROSS: She had interviewed a lot of people who have been deported.

BALDERRAMA: Yeah, right, especially her mother, but others as well. And, well, you know, we became very close. We’ve been married many years. And the family joke is that…

GROSS: Oh, you’re married? I didn’t know that.

BALDERRAMA: We’re married and after…

GROSS: (Laughter) I’d read one of her articles about this. I didn’t – I had no idea.

BALDERRAMA: Yeah, so after 25 years of marriage and two kids, I’m able to use her interviews, so…

GROSS: That sounds like a good deal (laughter).

BALDERRAMA: Yeah, it’s a pretty good deal.

GROSS: So tell us something about her family.

BALDERRAMA: Well, her family is caught up – Emilia Castaneda was one of those that was targeted by LA County to leave. Her mother had died of tuberculosis shortly before her father and her brother received train tickets to leave Los Angeles. There was no work for her father. They also lost a property that they had in East Los Angeles that they were living in. She was told, just before she left, that – and this happened sometimes; this didn’t happen sometimes – that, you know, she could remain because she was an American citizen. But, you know, she would deny her father and become an orphan. That’s a story that she has. Well, she didn’t want to, you know, leave her father and her brother, so she went – this is a child who went to Mexico. And she’s one of those individuals who kept that American identity, kept that sense of being American. Her father would tell her, well, you know, this isn’t your country. Your country is in the United States. And during World War II, she comes back to LA with some help and support of a godmother. And she begins working in the World War II plants that are active at that time.

GROSS: So your mother-in-law is an example of what happens when the child is an American citizen and the parents are not.

BALDERRAMA: Yes, and she was a plaintiff in the lawsuit that was presented by MALDEF, the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, that the statute of limitations be lifted so that the repatriates could then bring suit against LA County and Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce. But that didn’t come about. It’s null and void because the – there was a failed attempt in the state legislature to have the statute of limitations lifted.

GROSS: So one of the takeaways, both of your research and of your own mother-in-law’s story, seems to be that there’s no – no matter what your plan is for the deportation of Mexicans who are not here legally, there is no clean way of doing it without breaking up families. And so many of the children are born here, and they are citizens.

BALDERRAMA: Exactly. Exactly, I think that’s the key element for people who, you know, talk boldly about things that they know nothing about, is that the diversity of the community, in terms of Mexican nationality and being American citizens of Mexican descent. And it becomes more intricate and more complicated because you do have people who have citizenship by birth. They come back. It crosses generations. It does cross generations. And so, you know, it’s very difficult, with the millions that we have to deal with, to implicate. I think, also, it’s very disrespectful of the contributions that this community has made of Mexican nationals and American citizens of Mexican descent.

GROSS: Francisco Balderrama, thank you so much for talking with us.

BALDERRAMA: Thank you. It’s been my pleasure.

GROSS: Francisco Balderrama is the co-author of “Decade Of Betrayal: Mexican Repatriation In The 1930s.” He’s a professor of American history and Chicano studies at California State University, Los Angeles. Coming up, Ken Tucker reviews Carly Rae Jepsen’s new album. This is FRESH AIR.

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American history homework help

English | Resource | Making Formal Outlines

Resource

Making Formal Outlines

Outline for Model Research Paper

Title: “Free Blacks in the North in the Early Nineteenth Century”

Introduction

Hook: Sketch of major injustices against free Blacks

Thesis statement: Despite suffering from oppressive discrimination, free Blacks in the North managed not only to survive but to build a community that helped them thrive.

Supporting Paragraphs

Economic barriers against free Blacks

Job discrimination

Examples and statistics

Quotation from “A Colored Philadelphian”

Quotation from young free Black man

Poverty and its results

Discrimination

Individual prejudice

Mob violence

Jim Crow laws: segregation

Black Codes

Black exclusion laws

Justifications for discrimination

Belief in inferiority of Black people

Fear of intermarriage

Successful struggle: Building a community

Examples of individual economic success

Examples of community activities and institutions

Conclusion

Sharing the American dream

Handing down a legacy of achievement

General Outline

Title of Paper

1. Major Section of the Paper

Major idea

Secondary idea or important detail

Secondary idea or important detail

Major idea

Secondary idea or important detail

Secondary idea or important detail

Specific detail

Specific detail

Specific detail

Specific detail

Major idea

Secondary idea or important detail

Secondary idea or important detail

Secondary idea or important detail

Major Section of the Paper

Major idea

Major idea

Secondary idea or important detail

Secondary idea or important detail

Major Section of the Paper

© Stride, Inc. or its affiliates. All rights reserved. No reproduction without written consent of Stride, Inc. Page 1 of 2

American history homework help

6

The Decline and Fall of Apartheid

In the course of the late 1970s and the 1980s the rigid Verwoerdian
model developed during the heyday of apartheid began to break down.
The National Party government experimented with a number of reforms
designed to adjust apartheid to changing economic and social circum-
stances, while still retaining a monopoly of political power. But the spiral
of resistance and repression intensified. By the mid-1980s virtual civil
war existed in many parts of the country, with the army occupying black
townships and surrogate vigilante groups adding to the conflict. The
state retained control with military power, detentions and increased repres-
sion; but the vast majority of South Africa’s population was alienated
from the state to an unprecedented degree. Meanwhile, international
condemnation grew and economic sanctions began to bite. The impasse
was broken only when the exiled ANC and PAC were unbanned in 1990
and the new State President, F.W. de Klerk, made a qualified commitment
to meaningful change. Negotiations between the state and the newly
unbanned movements, although accompanied by violent conflict and
widespread suspicion of state intentions, finally led to the creation of a new
democratic constitution, and the election of an ANC-led government in
1994. The collapse of apartheid and the avoidance of a prolonged racial
bloodbath was one of the major success stories of the late twentieth century,
although economic and social problems remained overwhelming in
magnitude.

The Making of Modern South Africa: Conquest, Apartheid, Democracy, Fifth Edition.
Nigel Worden.
© 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2012 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Worden, Nigel. The Making of Modern South Africa : Conquest, Apartheid, Democracy, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated,
2012. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/insu-ebooks/detail.action?docID=822664.
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132 ThE DECLINE AND FALL oF APArThEID

‘Total strategy’

In the late 1970s a number of factors led to a change in the policy of the
South African state (Moss 1980). First, highly capitalized manufacturing
industry now dominated the economy, using complex technology and
requiring semi-skilled permanent workers rather than unskilled migrant
laborers. In these circumstances, segregation and apartheid, so crucial to
the earlier development and growth of industry, were no longer appropri-
ate to the needs of South African capitalism (Lipton 1988; Feinstein 2005:
188–93).

Economic change also affected the class base of support for the National
Party. Afrikaner business interests were now fully integrated into the
monopolistic structure of South African industry, while full-scale mecha-
nization of white agriculture produced ‘check book farmers’ linked to busi-
ness interests rather than struggling producers competing for a limited
labor force with urban employers. The cross-class Afrikaner nationalist
alliance of the 1940s and 1950s was fracturing: many English-speaking
middle-class voters now supported the National Party, while Afrikaner
workers and small-scale traders and farmers were marginalized. After
Vorster’s resignation in 1978, following major government financial scan-
dals, the new Prime Minister, P.W. Botha, introduced changes favoring
business interests and widened the divisions in the traditional support base
of the National Party. The split came with the formation of the right-wing
Conservative Party under Andries Treurnicht in 1982, which drew many
white working-class and blue-collar supporters away from the government
(Gilioinee 2003: 606–7). In these circumstances, Botha was obliged to forge
a new kind of strategy.

Thirdly, the labor and urban resistance of 1973–7 had caught the gov-
ernment unprepared. It became apparent after Soweto that repression was
not enough. Attempts were made to recapture the initiative through reform,
particularly by encouraging the development of a black middle class and
attempting to win over township residents from African nationalist or
radical sympathies.

A final factor explaining the reforms was the unfavorable international
response and the threat of sanctions in the aftermath of Soweto, as well as
the change of governments in states bordering South Africa, from allied
interests to potentially hostile opponents: Mozambique, Angola and
Zimbabwe, with a similar threat in Namibia as conflict grew between South
African forces and guerrilla troops of the South-West African People’s

Worden, Nigel. The Making of Modern South Africa : Conquest, Apartheid, Democracy, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated,
2012. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/insu-ebooks/detail.action?docID=822664.
Created from insu-ebooks on 2020-10-27 21:32:22.

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ThE DECLINE AND FALL oF APArThEID 133

organization (SWAPo). In these circumstances the South African state
needed to reassess its public image and its policy strategies.

The outcome was a series of developments between 1979 and 1984
which collectively formulated the policy known as ‘total strategy’. Some hint
of reform had been given earlier. Prosecution for pass law offences had
dropped in number after 1973 at the request of business organizations,
including the Afrikaanse handelsinstituut, although the principle of
African labor regulation remained intact (hindson 1987: 81). Funding
for African education had also increased, although insufficiently to prevent
student dissatisfaction in 1976. But ‘total strategy’ went much further. Its
rationale was that South Africa was the target of a ‘total onslaught’ by revo-
lutionaries from inside and outside the country, who could only be com-
bated with a ‘total strategy’ that ‘combin[ed] effective security measures
with reformist policies aimed at removing the grievances that revolutionar-
ies could exploit’ (Swilling and Phillips 1989: 136). It also aimed to restruc-
ture society in ways required by industry, thus combining the economic
interests of business, the political interests of the Botha administration, and
the security interests of the military and security forces: ‘an attempt to
reconstitute the means of domination in terms favorable to the ruling
groups’ (Swilling 1988: 5).

Formal links between the National Party and big business were estab-
lished at the 1979 Carlton Conference in Johannesburg, where Botha
pledged his government to support free enterprise and orderly reform. The
discourse of free market enterprise was increasingly used by the state in
place of overt racial domination, partly as a means of combating the per-
ceived Marxist ‘onslaught’ but more importantly as a means of establishing
ideological hegemony with business support (Greenberg 1987). It marked
a major shift from the anti-capitalist rhetoric of the early Afrikaner nation-
alist movement, and bore little relation to the intense intervention of the
state in the political economy of South Africa.

Two government commission reports in 1979 proposed changes to favor
stable business development. The Wiehahn report recommended that
African rights to trade union membership and registration be recognized.
This was done to try to prevent repetition of the wildcat strikes of the 1970s
and to formalize, and so control, the labor movement. The riekert
Commission advocated that white job reservation should be dismantled
while influx control was still rigorously applied. In this way it maintained
the division between permanent city residents and temporary outsiders.
Employer demands for greater access to a permanent workforce were thus

Worden, Nigel. The Making of Modern South Africa : Conquest, Apartheid, Democracy, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated,
2012. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/insu-ebooks/detail.action?docID=822664.
Created from insu-ebooks on 2020-10-27 21:32:22.

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134 ThE DECLINE AND FALL oF APArThEID

met, although the principle of controlled African urbanization remained.
The pass laws were not abolished until 1986, by which stage a combination
of employer needs, the spiraling costs of the immense bureaucratic admin-
istration and the belief that repeal would appease international criticism
of apartheid persuaded the government finally to remove urban influx
controls (Maylam 1990: 80).

The need for semi-skilled black labor was also reflected in the de Lange
report on education, published in 1981 (Chisholm 1984). This called for
compulsory primary education for all as well as black technical training at
secondary and tertiary level. Although the recommendation of a single
education authority for all races was rejected by the government, multira-
cial private schools were permitted. In this, as in other aspects of ‘total
strategy’ policy, the aim was to ‘intensify class differentials while reducing
racial ones’ (hyslop 1988: 190). This policy was further seen in the removal
of many ‘petty apartheid’ restrictions. Public amenities in large cities, such
as hotels, restaurants and theatres, were no longer compulsorily segregated
and many opened their doors to all – that is, all who could afford them.

Lack of political representation remained an obstacle to black accept-
ance of such reform strategies. A second phase of ‘total strategy’ therefore
proposed constitutional changes in an attempt to co-opt sections of the
population previously excluded from government. The 1983 ‘tricameral’
constitution created separate parliamentary assemblies for white, colored
and Indian Members of Parliament. Each house controlled its ‘own affairs’,
such as education, health and community administration, but all other
matters were still monopolized by the white house of Assembly, which
retained the overall majority of seats, and the new office of State President,
held by Botha, acquired wide-ranging powers.

The tricameral constitution was clearly a means of ‘sharing power
without losing control’ (Murray 1987: 112). Consequently, it was boycotted
by the vast majority of colored and Indian voters. Measures which the lesser
houses did promote, such as the abolition of the Immorality and Mixed
Marriages Acts, were already acceptable to the ‘total strategy’ policy and
indicated the clear move away from the racial control of the 1950s. As with
the desegregation of public amenities, they did little to challenge the exist-
ing political and social order.

The tricameral constitution made no provision for African participa-
tion. The principle remained that constitutional representation for Africans
was confined to the homelands. however, recognition of the permanent
status of some black township residents had been given in 1977 when

Worden, Nigel. The Making of Modern South Africa : Conquest, Apartheid, Democracy, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated,
2012. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/insu-ebooks/detail.action?docID=822664.
Created from insu-ebooks on 2020-10-27 21:32:22.

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ThE DECLINE AND FALL oF APArThEID 135

Vorster introduced Community Councils to administer township affairs
under the aegis of white government officials. In 1982, Botha extended this
system by the Black Local Authorities Act, which gave Community Councils
greater powers of administration. Elected by local residents, councilors
were responsible for township administration on budgets raised by local
rents and levies. Coinciding with tricameralism, this scheme hoped to
create a class of willing collaborators ‘in a rather crude effort to defuse black
claims to national political power through the substitution of power at
grassroots level’ (Murray 1987: 123). As with the tricameral elections, town-
ship Community Councils had little popular appeal.

Attempts to bolster allegiance to these policies were accompanied by a
conscious effort to upgrade townships for those with permanent residence
rights. The Urban Foundation, founded with business capital but sup-
ported by the state, backed programs to improve housing and other facili-
ties. In both townships and the rural areas the army was often deployed in
community schemes in a campaign to ‘win the hearts and minds of the
people’ (the WhAM policy), although this had a limited effect once the
security forces began to suppress opposition (see p. 141).

The role of the army was a further important component of ‘total strat-
egy’. Botha, previously the Minister of Defence, gave an important role to
the armed forces within policy making as part of security against the ‘total
onslaught’. The State Security Council (SSC), established in 1972 as an
advisory body to the Cabinet, now gained greater powers under the new
Minister of Defence, General Magnus Malan, including that of control over
intelligence and security work. By 1980 it was observed that ‘in many ways
[the SSC] is already an alternative Cabinet’ (Murray 1987: 40).

In addition to the WhAM campaign to stem the ‘total onslaught’ within
the country, Botha attempted to defuse opposition from potentially hostile
countries in the wider southern African region. his hope of creating a
‘constellation of states’ linked to South Africa by trade was foiled by the
organization of the frontline states against South African influence, but
the security forces then mounted a campaign of deliberate destabilization.
Direct military incursions accompanied indirect support of dissident
armed movements such as rENAMo in Mozambique and UNITA in
Angola, while raids were made on centers which the South African state
claimed housed ANC guerrillas in Lesotho, Swaziland, Zimbabwe and
Botswana. In Namibia, South African occupation continued and a bitter
guerrilla war was fought with the nationalist SWAPo (Davies and o’Meara
1984). In 1984 the results of this policy met some success with the signing

Worden, Nigel. The Making of Modern South Africa : Conquest, Apartheid, Democracy, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated,
2012. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/insu-ebooks/detail.action?docID=822664.
Created from insu-ebooks on 2020-10-27 21:32:22.

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136 ThE DECLINE AND FALL oF APArThEID

of the Nkomati non-aggression accord with Mozambique, by which the
Maputo government agreed to expel ANC guerrilla camps from its territory
in return for the ending of South African support for rENAMo.

‘Total strategy’ was thus as much a reformulation of apartheid as a
reform. Its purpose was to maintain white political hegemony while
restructuring some aspects of the social and political order to counter the
threat of revolutionary opposition. This was abundantly clear to many of
the state’s opponents, who resisted ‘total strategy’ with renewed energy.

Resistance and repression

‘Total strategy’ was intended to defuse protest outbreaks of the kind that
had occurred in the 1970s, and to bring economic and political stability to
South Africa. It had precisely the opposite effect.

The economy failed to recover the growth rates it had shown in the
1960s and early 1970s. Despite a brief recuperation between 1978 and 1980,
subsequent years saw a fall in the gold price, a balance of payments crisis,
and dependence on loans from the International Monetary Fund and
foreign bankers. Inflation and unemployment soared in 1982, and again in
1984. The standard of living of all South Africans fell: black poverty became
even more acute than ever.

These circumstances did not favor a state campaign to ‘win hearts and
minds’. The recession was accompanied by heightened opposition to ‘total
strategy’ policies. Many of the Botha reforms produced consequences unin-
tended by the state (Friedman 1986). For instance, the relaxation of pass
controls led to an unprecedented move of Africans into the cities. This was
particularly evident in Cape Town, where the ending of legislated prefer-
ence for colored workers gave greater possibilities for African employment.
Large squatter camps grew up on the outskirts of the city, particularly at
Crossroads. At first, they were ruthlessly destroyed as the dwellings of
‘illegal’ incomers by the ironically named Department of Cooperation and
Development. But by 1984 the government conceded the rights of squatters
to stay in the region and plans were laid for the building of a large new
township at Khayelitsha. The attempt to distinguish between permanent
residents and temporary outsiders was collapsing here as in many other
cities.

Another unintended development was the emergence of powerful trade
unions. The proper recognition of African union negotiating mechanisms
led to a massive growth in membership, particularly among migrant

Worden, Nigel. The Making of Modern South Africa : Conquest, Apartheid, Democracy, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated,
2012. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/insu-ebooks/detail.action?docID=822664.
Created from insu-ebooks on 2020-10-27 21:32:22.

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ThE DECLINE AND FALL oF APArThEID 137

workers hitherto excluded from union representation. Falling real wages
and poor working conditions produced a number of strikes in the early
1980s. But action went further than local factory issues. In 1982, spurred
by the death in detention of Neil Aggett, the Transvaal organizer of the
Food and Canning Workers’ Union, many unions came together to organ-
ize campaigns which represented broader political interests and protested
against state policies. Thus in November 1984 a major stayaway was
organized on the rand backed by union and community groups. Large-
scale union affiliations were being formed with political allegiances. The
largest was the Congress of South African Trade Unions (CoSATU),
launched in 1985 and following a broadly Charterist position. The Azanian
Confederation of Trade Unions (AZACTU) took a position more in tune
with Black Consciousness lines, and in 1986 the United Workers’ Union of
South Africa (UWUSA) was established under the aegis of the more con-
servative Inkatha movement. The point was that unions were now at the
forefront of the political struggle. Although there were debates within
the unions over the advisability of involvement in wider populist politics,
and fears that worker issues might thus be submerged, coordinated action
between the federated unions and student and community organizations
took place with increasing frequency from the mid-1980s. Far from taming
the labor movement, the Wiehahn reforms had politicized it (Webster
1988).

The context for this was heightened popular resistance and mobilization
on a scale which exceeded even that of the 1950s and 1976–7, and which
took new forms and goals. In 1980 colored school students in the western
Cape boycotted classes to protest against the use of army servicemen as
teachers, and to demand free education for everyone and not for whites
alone. Links were made with striking meat workers in Cape Town. Boycott
action spread to the rand and the eastern Cape, where it meshed with
demands for the ending of homeland citizenship. Although the boycotts
were broken by police action by the end of the year, these episodes provided
a link between the uprising of 1976–7 and the more widespread resistance
of the mid-1980s.

The catalyst to this was the tricameral constitution and the Black Local
Authorities Act. Both measures made it absolutely clear that the Botha
government was attempting to restructure apartheid rather than to dis-
mantle it, and that the African majority would continue to be permanently
excluded from central government. White control would be entrenched,
but the state hoped that the new system would be more acceptable both

Worden, Nigel. The Making of Modern South Africa : Conquest, Apartheid, Democracy, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated,
2012. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/insu-ebooks/detail.action?docID=822664.
Created from insu-ebooks on 2020-10-27 21:32:22.

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138 ThE DECLINE AND FALL oF APArThEID

locally and internationally. New oppositional organizations emerged to
demonstrate the fallacy of this belief.

Early in 1983, the National Forum (NF) was established, bringing
together supporters of Black Consciousness in the Azanian People’s
organization (AZAPo) and the non-collaborationist tradition of the
western Cape Unity Movement. Its ‘Manifesto of the Azanian People’
opposed all alliances with ruling-class parties, demanded the immediate
establishment of ‘a democratic, anti-racist worker republic in Azania’, and
defined the struggle for national liberation as ‘directed against the system
of racial capitalism which holds the people of Azania in bondage for the
benefit of the small minority of white capitalists and their allies, the white
workers and the reactionary sections of the black middle class’ (Davies
et al. 1988: 454).

Such a policy was a rejection of the broader populist Charterist tradi-
tion, which was represented in the foundation of the United Democratic
Front (UDF) in the same year. The UDF called for rejection of the apart-
heid state, boycott of the tricameral system and acceptance of the Freedom
Charter principles (see p. 115). The campaign had dramatic results: only a
small percentage of colored and Indian voters cast their poll, and many
others refused even to register. The tricameral system was thus denied
legitimacy from the start.

Both the NF and the UDF were loosely knit confederations of commu-
nity, youth and trade union organizations that had proliferated across the
country in the late 1970s and early 1980s, rather than political parties. Their
differences lay in their ideologies, with the NF regarding worker interests
as paramount and criticizing the UDF for its ‘petty bourgeois’ leadership
and its populist multi-class character. The Black Consciousness strand in
NF thinking was apparent in the reluctance of some of its supporters to
admit white-dominated organizations such as the National Union of South
African Students (NUSAS). however, those from the Unity tradition
rejected any policy that recognized race. Indeed, the involvement of AZAPo
members in the NF showed how the Black Consciousness movement had
moved decisively towards workerist positions since the days of Biko.

The UDF acquired by far the largest number of affiliates and the highest
public profile, and was only really challenged by the NF in the western
Cape. The UDF drew on a wide range of local community organizations
across the country, and particularly in the Transvaal and the eastern Cape.
Swilling (1988) has argued that its Charterist position did not preclude
working-class membership, and indeed leadership. Certainly, as protest

Worden, Nigel. The Making of Modern South Africa : Conquest, Apartheid, Democracy, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated,
2012. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/insu-ebooks/detail.action?docID=822664.
Created from insu-ebooks on 2020-10-27 21:32:22.

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ThE DECLINE AND FALL oF APArThEID 139

developed in the course of 1984–6, the organizations affiliated to the UDF
gave it an increasingly radical character, although it still lacked a clear
political program and was ‘only involved in issues if the relevant affiliates
sought its assistance’ (Seekings 2000: 291).

The UDF also worked more actively to recruit support to its affiliated
organizations at a local level. Its campaign to obtain a million signatures
for a petition against apartheid in the aftermath of the tricameral elections
in 1984 failed to attain its numerical goal, partly because of police harass-
ment and confiscation of signed papers, but ‘it did, for the first time,
provide township activists with a vehicle for some solid door-to-door
organizing’ (Swilling 1988: 101).

By 1985 this was bearing fruit in a series of local campaigns, including
bus and rent boycotts, school protests and worker stayaways. Although local
circumstances varied, a common focus of township resistance was the
Community Councils and those councilors who accepted office and were
branded as collaborators in the apartheid system. Economic pressures also
undermined the position of the councils. Not only were they politically
unacceptable, but their dependence on local funding and their role as col-
lectors of rents and unpopular service charges made them vulnerable to
protests against increases at a time of recession. Tensions were heightened
by accusations of corruption and malpractice. Such issues mobilized town-
ship residents of all ages and meshed with student protests and boycotts.

It was primarily resistance to increases in rent and service charges that
led to a major rebellion in the townships of the Vaal triangle between
September and November 1984 (Seekings 1988). Protest spread to other
parts of the Transvaal, with attacks on councilors and their homes as well
as government buildings, homes of police and beer halls. A number of
councilors resigned under such threats to their lives, but the uprising con-
tinued with student and worker protests at the fore. By 1985 township
conflict had spread to the orange Free State, the eastern Cape and, finally,
to Cape Town and Natal.

State repression only fuelled further opposition. on Sharpeville Day,
1985, police opened fire on a funeral procession in Uitenhage in the eastern
Cape, killing twenty people in an episode that bore strong resemblance to
the events twenty-five years earlier. This provoked renewed school boycotts
throughout the country and clashes between township youth and police.
By July the situation had reached such proportions that the government
declared a State of Emergency in many regions, extending the power of
arbitrary detention without trial and indemnifying the security forces

Worden, Nigel. The Making of Modern South Africa : Conquest, Apartheid, Democracy, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated,
2012. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/insu-ebooks/detail.action?docID=822664.
Created from insu-ebooks on 2020-10-27 21:32:22.

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140 ThE DECLINE AND FALL oF APArThEID

against any charge of malpractice. With a brief break in 1986, emergency
regulations were extended throughout the country and remained in place
until 1990.

The conflicts of 1984–6 marked a new phase in South African popular
resistance. In many townships throughout the country civil government
collapsed, to be replaced by alternative, unofficial organizations calling for
‘people’s power’. In many cases, as in 1976–7, the initiative was taken by
youth organizations, although they drew support from a wider sector of
the community than was the case previously. More effective links were
made between students and workers, particularly in the Vaal triangle and
in the eastern Cape. Street committees organized coordinated actions such
as rent boycotts and consumer boycotts of white businesses to persuade
their owners to support calls for desegregation and lessening of state
oppression. Moreover, this happened in hitherto unpoliticized small towns
and rural areas in platteland South Africa as much as in the large metro-
politan townships. In many cases, such actions by young men were only
reluctantly supported by their elders, who resented the overturning of
generational authority. Certainly, the events of the mid-1980s marked an
emergence into the political arena of a male youth assertiveness that had
previously been expressed through gangs (Glaser 1998).

In most of these cases, local grievances led to action; during the Vaal
uprising the UDF was ‘trailing behind the masses’ (Seekings 1992). It none-
theless played an important part in creating an alternative national political
culture that transcended local issues and gave a sense of common purpose.
In this its Charterist line was crucial. In many townships the ideals of the
Freedom Charter provided the focus for action and political organization.
A case study of Youth Congress activists in the Alexandra township near
Johannesburg shows that in practice this might not always have penetrated
very deeply, although debates over populist and workerist issues and clashes
with AZAPo supporters were part of the linking of local issues of rent and
school boycotts with a wider national framework (Carter 1991).

A further important development was the massive increase in support
for the exiled ANC, not only in its earlier regions of strength such as the
eastern Cape and the Transvaal, but also in the western Cape where histori-
cally its position had been weaker (Bundy 1987b). Songs of praise to
Mandela and Tambo, study of ANC underground literature, ANC flags
draped across coffins at the many funerals of activists killed by the security
forces, and shouts of ‘Viva’ (the Lusophone rally cry used at ANC camps
in Angola and Mozambique) gave visible signs of ANC resurgence within

Worden, Nigel. The Making of Modern South Africa : Conquest, Apartheid, Democracy, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated,
2012. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/insu-ebooks/detail.action?docID=822664.
Created from insu-ebooks on 2020-10-27 21:32:22.

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